The most troubling aspect of the prosecution of two former employees of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) for mishandling classified information is that prosecutors have adopted an expansive new interpretation of the Espionage Act which could make criminals of many reporters, lobbyists and advocates who traffic in government information that may be classified.
But another worrisome feature of the case is that one of the AIPAC defendants is charged under a separate statute — 18 U.S.C. § 2 — with “aiding and abetting” an unauthorized disclosure of information.
(18 U.S.C. § 2 states that “Whoever commits an offense against the United States or aids, abets, counsels, commands, induces or procures its commission, is punishable as a principal.”)
The use of this “aiding and abetting” statute multiplies the impact of the government’s new theory of the Espionage Act since it means that anyone who facilitates or encourages the disclosure of proscribed information — as reporters and many others do in the course of their daily activities — is as culpable as the one who discloses classified information without authorization.
“It’s called being an ‘accessory before the fact’,” observed former CIA analyst Allen Thomson, who flagged the use of this provision in the AIPAC prosecution. He cited a law dictionary definition which explained that “an accessory before the fact is one whose counsel or instigation leads another to commit a crime.”
Punishing the solicitation or acquisition of restricted information could obviously be an effective way to discourage press attention to matters that the government wishes to conceal.
On the other hand, Mr. Thomson conjectured, the government’s “use of 18 USC § 2 against [AIPAC defendant Steven J.] Rosen … might provide reporters with a Fifth Amendment basis for refusing to talk to grand juries” since they could run the risk of self-incrimination. Any such Fifth Amendment claim could be defeated by a grant of immunity, however.
See, relatedly, “Pro-Israel Lobbying Group Roiled by Prosecution of Two Ex-Officials” by Scott Shane and David Johnston, New York Times, March 5.
This report serves as a landscape assessment and toolbox from which local governments can negotiate an informed position when it comes to the levers available to them and includes a first-of-its kind analysis of eight executed community benefits agreements.
When a hurricane hits, it’s all hands on deck – that goes for federal data, too. Pulling back from our investments in timely, accurate, and accessible public data will only make us less prepared and put us all at greater risk.
This is bigger than a singular elimination of race and ethnicity questions. It could accelerate the second wave of widespread reductions to demographic data, leaving public health officials with even less information to deliver better health outcomes for all Americans.
Soft law was never meant to be a permanent solution. Treating it as one, and letting the sandcastle stand in for the skyscraper indefinitely, is how we end up with a decade of voluntary commitments and no enforceable accountability to show for it.