A National Initiative to Revitalize American Farming and Advance Regenerative Agriculture

Summary

A national regenerative agriculture initiative launched by the federal government could transform how American farmers provide food, fiber, and land stewardship. This initiative would commit to matching what farmers earn growing food and fiber with an equal investment in farmers’ work to rebuild the country’s natural capital.

Regenerative agriculture produces a safe and abundant food supply while building soil health and regenerating natural resources. This approach recognizes the key roles farmers and ranchers have in providing clean air, clean water, and ecosystem services that benefit all society.

A national regenerative agriculture initiative would provide needed investment in rural economies while simultaneously empowering current and future farmers to grow food in ways that improve soil health, ecosystem services, and natural resources. This strategic initiative would support the return of farming as a more widely valued job in America.

To achieve truly regenerative agricultural systems nationwide, the federal government should catalyze new markets and focus federal funding for regenerative agriculture programs, research, and development. Key steps towards this goal include creating a Regenerative Agriculture Advisory Task Force, mobilizing substantial investments to upgrade the agricultural sector, and prioritizing regenerative agriculture as a major theme in agricultural innovation.

An Initiative to Build the National Climate Bank

The next administration should support legislation to fund the National Climate Bank, a non- profit that will create millions of jobs through public-private investment in clean energy and climate-related technologies. Built on the successful “green bank” model, the Climate Bank will spur $500 billion of private and public investment, create 5.4 million jobs, and reduce greenhouse-gas emissions while driving capital into frontline and environmental-justice communities. Legislation to support this policy passed the House of Representatives with billions of dollars in funding in July. The administration can enact this policy by including funding for the National Climate Bank in its climate and infrastructure-oriented stimulus proposals to Congress.

Approximately 30 million Americans—one in five workers—are collecting unemployment benefits. Labor-force participation is at its lowest level in nearly fifty years. These figures are worse than anything seen during the Great Recession. Deep, forward-thinking, and transformative measures are needed to revitalize our economy and open stable, well-paying opportunities for working Americans. Yet Congress has focused exclusively on short-term relief.

The next administration must quickly correct this error by investing substantially in job creation. Investments should meet three critical requirements:

Transitioning the United States to a 100% clean electric grid over the next 20 years will require an estimated $225 billion of new investment per year. We are far short of this benchmark. Only $78 billion was invested into U.S. clean energy in 2019. Investment shortfalls and barriers can and must be overcome through an influx of public capital, with a particular focus on investing in underserved, frontline communities and communities of color.

Plan of Action

The next administration should endorse the National Climate Bank Act in Congress to put Americans back to work building our nation’s clean-energy future. The National Climate Bank created under this Act would be an independent, nonpartisan, nonprofit finance entity that would use federal funds to mobilize greater private investment to address climate change. The next administration should, therefore, include funding for the National Climate Bank in stimulus proposals. 

Building off of the “green bank” model already proven at the state and local levels, the National Climate Bank could use $35 billion of federal funds to achieve $500 billion of investment in domestic clean energy and climate-related infrastructure in just five years. This level of investment would create an estimated 5.4 million jobs spread across the country (since cleanenergy projects are needed in every community). This level of investment would also create opportunities for workers of all skillsets, not just technical workers. No new authority or government agency is needed to create the National Climate Bank as an independent nonprofit. Legislation is only needed for seed funding. 

The National Climate Bank would invest across a broad set of sectors to ensure that communities can build the climate solutions they most need: solutions that include renewable-power projects, building efficiency and electrification, clean transportation, industrial decarbonization, improved grid infrastructure, sustainable agriculture, and resilience efforts. This model works. State and local green banks across the United States have already catalyzed over $5 billion of investment into such solutions, with each green bank dollar driving an average $2.60 of private coinvestment.

Solutions financed by green banks are not only environmentally prudent, but materially improve economic well-being for individual Americans as well. For instance, alternative underwriting criteria can give low-income communities access to rooftop solar and efficiency projects that lower home energy bills. Coupling roof replacement with solar energy increases community resilience while lowering home-insurance costs. Improving building efficiency for small businesses enables small businesses to hire more workers thanks to lower operating expenses.

The National Climate Bank would also be uniquely positioned among federal agencies to advance equity and environmental justice nationwide. The National Climate Bank could and should direct investment towards frontline and communities of color, delivering benefits like job creation, lower energy costs, and increased public health. The National Climate Bank would also be flexible and nimble enough to quickly respond to community needs as they emerge. By combining multiple financing tools (e.g., co-investment, subordinated debt, credit enhancements) with market-development strategies, the National Climate Bank would leverage new private investment and reach untapped markets. Finally, the National Climate Bank would only directly finance projects that are national in scale. For all other projects, the National Climate Bank would partner with local leaders to form state and local green banks where they don’t already exist. Such decentralization would ensure that funded projects are tailored instead of “one size fits all” and that project benefits and wealth accrue within targeted communities instead of leaking out and trickling up.

There is already considerable support for a national green bank in Congress. Senators Ed Markey and Chris Van Hollen and Representative Debbie Dingell introduced the National Climate Bank Act in 2019. And the policy (under the name Clean Energy and Sustainability Accelerator) was included in the $1.5 trillion Moving Forward Act that recently passed by the U.S. House of Representatives. Establishing a national green bank was a key recommendation of the House Select Committee on the Climate Crisis, and is part of the House Energy & Commerce Committee’s CLEAN Future Act. Nearly 100 organizations, including environmental organizations and industry associations, have signed a letter of support for a national green bank. Polling shows that 7 in 10 Americans—including a majority of independents and Republicans—support the funding and creation of the National Climate Bank. Finally, the idea of a national green bank was endorsed by multiple presidential candidates including Jay Inslee, Elizabeth Warren, Pete Buttigieg, Julian Castro, and Kamala Harris. The next Administration can harness this legislative and popular momentum and fund the NCB through stimulus.

Frequently Asked Questions
Why do we need public funding for climate investment? Don’t private capital markets work fine?
In some geographies and for certain customers, there is ample private capital to finance technologies like utility-scale solar and wind projects. The same is true of efficiency projects for high-credit owners of large buildings. However, we can’t transition to a clean-energy economy and sustainable climate future on the timeline we need by investing in only a subset of people and places. Clean-energy and climate solutions must be distributed fairly across the United States without raising costs. But right now, very little private capital flows into low-income or communities of color for any climate-related activity. And many solutions—such as reforestation, industrial decarbonization, electric-vehicle fleet replacement, and distributed energy storage— are undercapitalized for all communities. The National Climate Bank will address these market failures, catalyzing private investment in underserved technologies and communities to the benefit of all Americans.
Why form the National Climate Bank as a non-profit?

The National Climate Bank must be non-political to succeed. Companies and investors must view the National Climate Bank as a trusted and stable market participant that they can securely contract with for multiple decades. This will not be the case if the Bank’s short-term viability vacillates with changing administrations and national fiscal conditions. This truth has been sadly proven out by green bank institutions in and outside the U.S. that have been hampered or shut down by changing political conditions.


Studying existing green banks (such as state and local green banks) provides strong evidence that a national-level green bank will only work if it operates outside of government. The government-owned Connecticut Green Bank, for instance, was operating successfully but nevertheless had funding swept back as part of a fiscal austerity measure. The governmentowned Australian national green bank, the Clean Energy Finance Corporation, has had its mission and operating procedures altered regularly as different political parties have come into power.


While the National Climate Bank should be formed as an extra-governmental non-profit, it should still coordinate closely with federal, state, and local government to utilize incentives, rebates, and tax credits and to optimize program design for efficient delivery of capital.

Doesn’t the Department of Energy Loan Programs Office already do this?

The Loan Programs Office (LPO) is a “commercialization”-focused tool within the federal government. As such, there are stringent constraints on the kinds of projects the LPO can fund. The LPO also has limited financing tools at its disposal and cannot prioritize investment in underserved communities. The result is that the LPO has not closed a clean-energy loan in nearly a decade. This lack of investment is partly due to the political impact of being within government. The LPO was hampered post-Solyndra, and has been effectively shut down during the Trump administration. Political influence has sadly undermined the legitimacy of the LPO, a finance entity that still has tens of billions of dollars of unused investment capacity. Reviving or reforming the LPO are worthy goals, but would still not be a substitute for creating a National Climate Bank

How will the National Climate Bank relate to existing state and local green banks?
The National Climate Bank will provide technical assistance to geographies that want but do not have green bank. The National Climate Bank will also provide capital to help new and existing green banks finance projects. These roles are critical given that lack of local public funds to capitalize state green banks is the main barrier to green-bank growth. Lastly, the National Climate Bank will only directly finance projects of regional or national scale (e.g., a long-distance transmission line for renewable energy). Otherwise, most financing activity of the National Climate Bank will flow through the state and local green banks with which it partners.
Does the National Climate Bank really need so much money? Is that much necessary?

The climate investment gap is considerable in the U.S. Investing federal funds in a National Climate Bank allows each public dollar to be multiplied, moving us significantly closer to filling that gap. Modeling has shown that in just five years, if the National Climate Bank received $35 billion of public capital, for example, that could catalyze nearly $500 billion of total investment. This is because public funds will be multiplied in 3 ways through a Climate Bank. First, it will finance projects using techniques that leverage multiple private dollars for each public dollar deployed. The second is that public dollars will be recycled and then re-lent out for future investment because they are used for financing, rather than grants. And the third is that, over time, the National Climate Bank will be able to directly borrow private capital onto its balance sheet based on its track record and investment income. This means the National Climate Bank can ultimately triple its own investment capacity beyond its initial capitalization (which is conservative from a risk perspective, as typical commercial banks leverage their balance sheets 10:1). Collectively these financing methods (which are proven and standard across development banks, commercial banks and green banks), will allow the National Climate Bank to drive far more investment than its initial appropriation. The more public funds the National Climate Bank is given up front, the greater this multiplicative effect is and the closer we can get to entirely filling the climate investment gap.

Modernizing the Relationship between Scientists and the Public

Summary

The COVID-19 pandemic has pushed science to the forefront of public attention. For many Americans, following daily reports about the novel coronavirus represents the first time they are seeing science and scientists operate in “real time”. This experience is new for scientists too. Scientists are not trained to engage the public, despite the fact that scientific research is put to work daily to help improve lives, address the needs of diverse communities, and solve problems at a national and global scale.

This proposal offers a set of actions to give federally-funded Ph.D. students in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM), specific training to enable them to engage effectively with the public. In turn, this will increase trust in and support for the scientific enterprise, drive stronger interest in STEM careers, set the stage for faster response to threats, and build a stronger, science-driven U.S. economy. Lastly, at a local level, taxpayers will benefit directly as more scientists are trained to engage regularly and meaningfully with schools, community institutions, and local governments.

Preventing Catastrophic Wildfire Under Climate Change

Summary

Wildfires, damages, and deaths are increasing because of unnatural accumulations of wood from outdated forest policies and intensifying heat from human-caused climate change. Preventing catastrophic wildfires requires improved, science-based policies that will shift the government from after-the-fact firefighting to proactive controlled burning. This would improve the lives of Americans and the health of our ecosystems by reducing deaths and damage due to wildfire, restoring damaged forests that naturally require fire, and decreasing the carbon emissions that cause climate change.

This memorandum outlines a policy approach to achieve these outcomes. Executive action will establish a national strategy for proactive fire management. Legislation will ensure revenue neutral implementation by reallocating funds currently used for firefighting to less expensive and more effective fire prevention. Finally, fire managers will increase prescribed burning and use of natural fires, relying on scientific analyses to target areas at greatest risk under climate change.

Open Access to Federally-funded Research Data

Summary

The majority of scientific research data in the United States is not shared, meaning that our nation has vast untapped potential to fuel scientific advances. The Biden-Harris Administration can dramatically accelerate scientific progress by (i) requiring scientists who receive federal funding to share their research data and (ii) directing federal research agencies to coordinate to build an International Research Data Commons that allows research data to be easily discovered and shared.

Strengthening the U.S. STEM Talent Pipeline Through a National Youth Innovation Showcase

Summary

The next administration should institute a national White House Youth Innovation Showcase similar to the discontinued White House Science Fair to promote and provide new opportunities for increased K–12 participation in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM). As a national platform to amplify and inspire scientific accomplishments by students of all backgrounds, the Showcase will help the next administration strengthen the U.S. STEM talent pipeline and pave the way for future growth in American science and technology industries. The Showcase will also provide an opportunity for the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) to facilitate public-private collaborations that provide resources for participating students and support regional initiatives to increase diversity in STEM fields. The next administration can use the announcement of the Showcase to reveal its STEM agenda, outlining its policies to support STEM education and a diverse STEM workforce while articulating how its STEM goals will support emerging technology industries and overall economic development.

Leveraging Machine Learning To Reduce Cost & Burden of Reviewing Research Proposals at S&T Agencies

With about $130 billion USD, the United States leads the world in federal research and development (R&D) spending. Most of this spending is distributed by science and technology agencies that use internal reviews to identify the best proposals submitted in response to competitive funding opportunities. As stewards of quality scientific research, part of each funding agency’s mission is to ensure fairness, transparency, and integrity in the proposal-review process. The selection process is a crucial aspect of ensuring that federal dollars are invested in quality research.

Manual proposal review is time-consuming and expensive, costing an estimated $2,000–$10,000 per proposal. This equates to an estimated $300 million spent annually on proposal review at the National Science Foundation alone. Yet at current proposal-success rates (between 5% and 20% for most funding opportunities), a substantial fraction of proposals reviewed are simply not competitive. We propose leveraging machine learning to accelerate the agency-review process without a loss in the quality of proposals selected and funded. By helping filter out noncompetitive proposals early in the review process, machine learning could allow substantial financial and personnel resources to be repurposed for more valuable applications. Importantly, machine learning would not be used to evaluate scientific merit—it would only eliminate the poor or incomplete proposals that are immediately and unanimously rejected by manual reviewers.

The next administration should initiate and execute a pilot program that uses machine learning to triage scientific proposals. To demonstrate the reliability of a machine-learning-based approach, the pilot should be carried out in parallel with (and compared to) the traditional method of proposal selection. Following successful pilot implementation, the next administration should convene experts in machine learning and proposal review from funding agencies, universities, foundations, and grant offices for a day-long workshop to discuss how to scale the pilot across agencies. Our vision is that machine-learning will ultimately become a standard component of proposal review across science and technology agencies, and improving the efficiency of the funding process without compromising the quality of funded research.

Challenge and Opportunity

Allocating research funding is expensive, time-consuming, and inefficient for all stakeholders (funding agencies, proposers, reviewers, and universities). The actual cost of reviewing proposals (including employee salaries and administrative expenses) has never been published by any federal funding agency. Based on our experience with the process, we estimate the cost to be between $2,000 and $10,000 per proposal, with the variation reflecting the wide range of proposals across programs and agencies. For the National Science Foundation (NSF), which reviews around 50,000 research proposals each year1, this equates to an average of $300 million spent annually on proposal review.

Multiple issues beyond cost plague the proposal-review process. These include the following:

  1. Decreasing proposal-success rates. This decline is attributable to a combination of an increase in the number of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) graduates in the United States3 and an increase in the size of average federal STEM funding awards (from $110,000 to about $130,000 in less than 10 years). Current success rates are low enough that the costs of applying for federal funding opportunities (i.e., from time spent on unsuccessful proposals) may outweigh the benefits (i.e., funding received for successful proposals).
  2. Difficulties recruiting qualified reviewers.
  3. Delayed decisions. For example, NSF takes more than six months to reach a funding decision for about 30% of proposals reviewed.
  4. Increasing numbers of identical re-submissions. With proposal-success rates as low as 5%, the results of selection processes are often seen as representing “the luck of the draw” rather than reflective of fundamental proposal merit. Hence there is a growing tendency for principal investigators (PIs) to simply re-submit the same proposal year after year rather than invest the time to prepare new or updated proposals.

There is a consensus is that the current state of proposal review is unsustainable.Most proposed solutions to problems summarized above are “outside” solutions involving either expanding available research funding or placing restrictions on the numbers of proposals submitted that may be submitted (by a PI or an institution). Neither option is attractive. Partisanship combined with the financial implications of COVID-19 render the possibility of an increased budget for S&T funding agencies vanishingly small. Restrictions on submissions are generally resented by scientists as a “penalty on excellence”. Incorporating machine learning could improve the efficiency and effectiveness of proposal review at little cost and without limiting submissions.

Incorporating machine learning would also align with multiple federal and agency objectives. On January 4, 2011, President Obama signed the GPRA Modernization Act of 2010. One of the purposes of the GPRA Modernization Act was to “lead to more effective management of government agencies at a reduced cost”. One of NSF’s Evaluation and Assessment Capability (EAC) goals established in response to that directive is to “create innovative approaches to assessing and improving program investment performance”. Indeed, two of the four key areas identified in NSF’s most recent Strategic Plan (2018) are to “make information technology work for us” and “Streamlining, standardizing and simplifying programs and processes.” In addition, NSF recognized the importance of reviewing its processes for efficiency and effectiveness in light of OMB memo M-17-26.9 NSF’s Strategic Plan includes a strong commitment to “work internally and with the Office of Management and Budget and other science agencies to find opportunities to reduce administrative burden.“ These principles are also mentioned in NSF’s 2021 budget request to Congress, as a part of Strategic Goals (e.g., “Enhance NSF’s performance of its mission”) and Strategic Objectives (e.g., “Continually improve agency operations”). Finally, longterm goal outlined in the Strategic Plan is reducing the so-called “dwell time” for research proposals—i.e., the time between when a proposal is submitted and a funding decision is issued.

Incorporating machine learning into proposal review would facilitate progress towards each of these goals. Using machine learning to limit the number of proposals subjected to manual review is a prime example of “making information technology work for us” and would certainly help streamline, standardize, and simplify proposal review. Limiting the number of proposals subjected to manual review would also reduce administrative burden as well as dwell time. In addition, money saved from using machine learning to weed out non-competitive proposals can be used to fund additional competitive proposals, thereby increasing return on investment (ROI) in research-funding programs. Additional benefits include an improved workload for expert reviewers—who will be able to focus on reviewing the scientific merit of competitive proposals instead of wasting time on non-competitive proposals—as well as the establishment of a strong disincentive for PIs to resubmit identical proposals years after years. The latter outcome in particular is expected to improve proposal quality in the long run.

Plan of Action

We propose the following steps to implement and test a machine-learning approach to proposal review:

  1. Initiate and execute a pilot program that uses machine learning to triage scientific proposals. To demonstrate the reliability of a machine-learning-based approach, the pilot should be carried out in parallel with (and compared to) the traditional method of proposal selection. The pilot would be deemed successful if the machine-learning algorithm was able to reliably identify proposals ranked poorly by human reviewers, and/or proposals rejected unanimously by review panels. NSF—particularly the agency’s Science of Science and Innovation Policy (SciSIP) Program—would be a natural home for such a pilot.
  2. Showcase pilot results. Following a successful pilot, the next administration should convene experts in machine learning and proposal review from funding agencies, universities, foundations, and grant offices for a day-long workshop. The workshop would showcase pilot results and provide an opportunity for attendees to discuss how to scale the pilot across agencies.
  3. Scale pilot across federal government. We envision machine learning ultimately becoming a standard component of proposal review across science and technology agencies, improving the efficiency of the funding process without compromising the quality of funded research.

Reducing the numbers of scientific proposals handled by experts without jeopardizing the quality of science funded benefits everyone—high-quality proposals receive support, expert reviewers don’t waste time on non-competitive proposals, and the money saved on manual proposal review can be reallocated to fund additional proposals. Using machine learning to “triage” large submission pools is a promising strategy for achieving such objectives. Preliminary compliance checks are already almost fully automated. Machine learning would simply extend the automation stage one step further. We expect that initial costs of developing appropriate machine-learning algorithms and testing algorithms in pilots would ultimately be justified by greater long-run ROI in research-funding programs. We envision a pilot that could benefit the government but also foundations that are increasingly shouldering research funding. Ideally the pilot would be experimented in two different set-ups: a government funding agency and a Foundation.

Leading the Way: A National Task Force on Connected Vehicles

Summary

By bringing wireless communications technology to cars and trucks, we could prevent hundreds of thousands of car crashes every year, saving many lives. We could also reduce commute times, fuel consumption, air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions, and the cost of mobile Internet access. In the longer term, deployment of connected vehicle technology can lay groundwork for better autonomous (self-driving) vehicles. In 2021, the Federal Government should establish a task force to develop a coherent vision through open and inclusive processes, and provide leadership to achieve that vision.

Note: As a working paper, this draft is still under development. The author invites your feedback and comments, which can be sent to info@dayoneproject.org.

Transforming Infant Nutrition to Give Every Baby a Strong, Healthy Foundation

Breastfeeding can provide important health and financial benefits for new families. But insufficient healthcare coverage, underlying medical conditions, and economic obstacles can make breastfeeding difficult or impossible for many parents. In this memo, a three-pronged approach is proposed—facilitated by an interagency collaboration through the National Advisory Council on Maternal, Infant, and Fetal Nutrition—to transform infant nutrition. First, to increase breastfeeding rates in the United States, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) should alter reimbursement policy by reimbursing tele-lactation and nutrition support for all babies covered under Medicaid. Second, the government should partner with the private sector to launch a “Synthesizing Human Milk Grand Innovation Challenge” to catalyze new extramural R&D and innovation efforts to accelerate commercialization of breast-milk alternatives for those that cannot breastfeed. And finally, the government should enact paid parental leave policies to give parents financial flexibility and dedicated time after birth to breastfeed.

Challenge and Opportunity

To ensure that all babies begin their lives on equal footing, swift action should be taken to give as many babies as possible access to breastmilk and high-quality breastmilk alternatives. Though breastfeeding and breastmilk represent only 0.04% of the National Institute of Health (NIH) budget, access to breastmilk and infant nutrition are issues that affect the health and finances of all American families with very young children. For babies, access to breastmilk has been shown to protect against respiratory illnesses, ear infections, gastrointestinal diseases, eczema, and sudden infant death syndrome. For mothers, breastfeeding may help reduce postpartum blood loss and may lower risk of post-partum depression, Type 2 diabetes, rheumatoid arthritis, cardiovascular disease, breast cancer, and ovarian cancer. The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Economic Research Service has estimated that Medicaid would save at least $172.6 million every year if breastfeeding rates among women, infants, and children increased to medically recommended levels.1 More broadly, one study highlighted by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) estimated that increasing breastfeeding rates could save $3.6 billion annually in the costs of treating some childhood illnesses.2

While breastfeeding can provide important health and financial benefits for new families, not all babies can breastfeed. 1 in 8 mothers in the United States face lactation dysfunction, which means that they cannot produce enough breastmilk to provide sufficient infant nutrition.3 Medical conditions such as Insufficient Glandular Tissue (IGT), mastitis, postpartum depression and anxiety (PPD/A), and infant birth defects—to name just a few—present challenges to breastfeeding. Adoptive parents can only breastfeed in certain circumstances, and birth mothers may be confused about whether they can breastfeed while on certain medications, may dislike the process of breastfeeding, or face difficulty breastfeeding while transitioning back to work.

For these and other reasons, 75% of babies use infant formula instead of breastmilk to some extent by the time they are 6 months old. A 2007 report from the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) found that existing formula-feeding solutions are associated with higher risks for chronic diseases including Type 2 diabetes, asthma, and childhood obesity.4 Formula feeding is also linked with higher rates of necrotizing enterocolitis (NEC) for premature infants. More research is needed to understand the underlying biochemical mechanisms of human breastmilk to develop infant formulas that better mimic breastmilk. In addition, infant formula is a major expense for the federal government. Infant formula is the single most expensive item that the federal Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Woman, Infants, and Children (WIC) provides, and the program spends more on formula than any other food—a total of $927 million in FY 2010.

It is also important to note that paid parental leave is a critical part of the postnatal experience for mothers and babies. Increases in paid parental leave are consistently associated with better infant and child health, particularly in terms of lower infant mortality rates.5 Paid parental leave also gives parents the opportunity and flexibility to focus on breastfeeding, which can be extremely time-consuming. The children of educated, well-off mothers are more likely to breastfeed because they have access to paid parental leave, careers with access to breaks for breast pumping, and disposable income to hire support such as night nurses. However, according to a national survey of employers conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), only 18% of private industry U.S. employees had access to paid family leave through their employers. Paid parental leave in the private sector is voluntary and more prevalent among managerial and professional occupations.

Plan of Action 

CMS, USDA, NIH, state WIC agencies, and the private sector should work together through the National Advisory Council on Maternal, Infant, and Fetal Nutrition to transform U.S. infant nutrition for the better. The following specific actions are recommended:

First, to increase breastfeeding rates in the United States, CMS should alter its reimbursement policy to reimburse bi-weekly tele-lactation and nutrition support appointments for any baby covered under Medicaid during the baby’s first three months of life. Currently, the Affordable Care Act requires private insurance plans and Medicaid expansion programs to cover maternity care—including prenatal screenings and lactation consultations—without cost sharing by the patient. But there is no federal requirement to reimburse for telemedicine. Advocates should encourage the Center for Consumer Information and Insurance Oversight (CCIIO) at CMS to expand mandatory maternal-health coverage to include telehealth and for CMS to implement this policy change. This can be done in collaboration with WIC, which already provides breastfeeding support through state agencies.

Second, the federal government should catalyze new R&D and innovation efforts to accelerate commercialization of high-quality breastmilk alternatives such as

Third, in the longer term, the federal government should enact paid parental-leave policies that give parents financial flexibility and dedicated time after birth to breastfeed.

How much does the government spend on infant nutrition currently?

Regarding the federal government’s role as a buyer of infant formula, WIC currently serves half of all infants in the United States and infant formula is the single most expensive item that WIC provides, and the program spends more on formula than any other food — $927 million in fiscal year 2010 as an example. For reference, each year Congress provides USDA FNS with a specific amount of funds for state agencies to operate the WIC program. WIC leads an infant formula bidding process, which is a cost containment approach. It is highly effective because it allows for state WIC programs to receive significant discounts in the form of rebates. These rebates result in up to $2B a year in savings, which means that 2 million more people can participate in this program. The national WIC association provides more details on this breakdown. Surrounding the federal government’s role in research in this arena, breastfeeding, lactation, and breastmilk represent only 0.04% of the NIH’s budget ($85M in 2019) despite the fact that this impacts every single American.

How does increasing breastfeeding rates and improving infant formula improve economic benefits?
Along with improved health outcomes, breastfeeding improves economic benefits by
reducing costs for families, employers, health insurers, and taxpayers. As stated in the 2011 Surgeon
General’s Call to Action to Support Breastfeeding, “a study conducted more than a decade ago estimated
that families who followed optimal breastfeeding practices could save more than $1,200–$1,500 in
expenditures for infant formula in the first year alone (Ball et al, 1999). In addition, better infant health
means fewer health insurance claims, less employee time off to care for sick children, and higher productivity,
all of which concern employers (US Breastfeeding Committee, 2002).” By increasing breastfeeding rates
through paid leave and creating an infant formula closer to infant formula, this could save CMS at least
$172.6M in Medicaid costs alone.
Why should it be the federal government taking action on infant nutrition vs. a state or local government?
Because the government is the single largest buyer of infant formula, and infant formula is the most expensive
item as part of the WIC program funded by the federal government (USDA), the government has a uniquely
high leverage and is incentivized to take action to save both healthcare costs and buyer costs on infant
formula. Specifically, on the healthcare cost front, Medicaid would save at least $172.6M every year if
breastfeeding rates in the WIC population increased to medically recommended levels.
What is the first step you suggest to get this off the ground?
Currently, the Affordable Care Act requires private insurance plans and Medicaid expansion programs to
cover maternity care without cost sharing to the patient, including prenatal screenings and lactation
consultations, but there is no federal requirement to reimburse for telemedicine, and lactation support services
are rolled out inconsistently. As a first step as part of our policy proposal, we recommend extending this
policy to cover telehealth services to allow for more even and efficient delivery of lactation support services
to increase breastfeeding adherence rates.
What about internal and external partnerships?

We believe strongly that in order for impact to happen that this needs to be a collaboration between the public and private sector. In particular, we propose NIH to launch the ‘Synthesizing Human Milk R&D Summit’ (linked to NICHD Aspirational Goal identified in their Strategic Plan) to bring together the community to rally around this ambitious goal and build a coalition. The goals for the event include 1) gathering input and commitments from stakeholders to launch a “synthesizing human milk grand challenge” and 2) laying the groundwork to launch and celebrate a future grand challenge. During this Summit, we will identify the specific barriers to developing an infant formula closer to breast milk by bringing together the formula makers, academic researchers, clinicians, parent/infant advocacy groups, and public health community with government stakeholders. Government stakeholders include NIH, CMS, CDC, FDA, US Surgeon General, and US Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF). In addition, a white paper will be generated to summarize the current state of our understanding of the underlying biochemical mechanisms of human milk.


In addition, we propose NIH to launch the ‘Synthesizing Human Milk Grand Challenge’ to award prizes to new innovative approaches in human milk, which is jointly funded by the NIH and the private sector, including formula manufacturers.

How does this idea complement or conflict with existing actions you surfaced exploring the policy landscape?

This effort complements existing efforts identified as part of the NIH’s Pediatric Growth and Nutrition Branch’s strategic priority of synthesizing human milk, the Affordable Care Care Act’s effort requirement that private insurance plans and Medicaid expansion programs to cover maternity care without cost sharing to the patient, including prenatal screenings and lactation consultations, and the USDA funding WIC State Agencies who support breastfeeding and provide WIC lactation experts, WIC peer counselors, WIC breastfeeding classes.


Also this effort complements the existing National Advisory Council on Maternal, Infant, and Fetal Nutrition, and we propose that this effort is led through that council, which was originally specified as part of legislation (Section 17(k) of the Child Nutrition Act of 1966, as amended (S 42 USC 1786). This legislation mandates that the Council authorizes the Secretary of Agriculture to appoint the members.

Expanding the Health Policy Mission of the Veterans Health Administration

Summary

With 1,255 VA medical facilities serving over 9 million veterans each year, the VA — through its Veterans Health Administration — maintains the largest integrated healthcare system in the United States. The VA is a national leader in delivering quality health services and driving innovation in high-priority healthcare issues such as telehealth, precision medicine, suicide prevention, and opioid safety. Yet the VA remains an under-appreciated and underutilized health policy stakeholder, involved in minimal interactions with other federal health agencies and exerting limited influence on the private healthcare system. This is a mistake. The VA is a robust healthcare provider with innovative clinical and operational practices that should be firmly entrenched in the national health policy conversation.

As a remedy, we propose strategically coordinating and consolidating the healthcare innovation, demonstration, and implementation capacities of the VA and HHS in order to ensure care of the highest possible quality across urgent issues. Elevating the VA as a major healthcare policy stakeholder will demonstrate the value of government-run healthcare, promote best practices for building an effective and forward-thinking healthcare system, and advance the VA’s “fourth mission” of supporting national preparedness.

Building Trust In the Health Data Ecosystem

Summary

Pending bipartisan “Cures 2.0” legislation is intended to safely and efficiently modernize healthcare delivery in the wake of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. Such modernization is contingent on access to high-quality data to power innovation and guided decision-making. Yet over 80% of Americans feel that the potential risks of companies collecting their data outweigh the benefits. To ensure the success of Cures 2.0, provisions must be added that bolster public trust in how health data are used.

Addressing the largely unregulated activities of data brokers — businesses that collect, sell, and/or license brokered personal information — offers a budget-neutral solution to the public’s crisis of faith in privacy. Building a well-governed health-data ecosystem that the public can trust is essential to improving healthcare in the United States.

Harnessing Data Analytics to Improve the Lives of Individuals and Families: A National Data Strategy

Summary

Fragmented federal program structures and laws create enormous barriers to effective coordination across government agencies and levels of government. The next administration can advance the nation’s health and economic well-being and improve the effectiveness of taxpayer investments by creating the enabling conditions for federal, state, and local decision-makers and managers to adopt modern data analytics tools and practices.

Note: As a working paper, this draft is still under development. The author invites your feedback and comments, which can be sent to info@dayoneproject.org.