Mrs. FEINSTEIN (for herself, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Smith of Oregon, Mrs. Murray, Mr. Hagel, Mr. Grams, Mr. Robb, and Mr. Roth) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations:
Whereas, the ability of the United States and the People's Republic of China to avoid conflict, to cooperate, and to act as partners rather than adversaries has a substantial bearing on peace and stability in Asia and worldwide;
Whereas on October 28-30, 1997, President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China conducted a state visit to Washington, DC;
Whereas the state visit included meetings with President Bill Clinton, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and the Congressional leadership;
Whereas, in connection with the state visit, china gave clear assurances that it will conduct no new nuclear cooperation with Iran, reiterated its commitment not to assist unsafeguarded nuclear facilities, joined the Zangger Committee, and promulgated national regulations to control exports of nuclear material, equipment and technology;
Whereas, President Clinton announced his intention to certify that China has met the conditions necessary to implement the 1985 Agreement for Cooperation Between the Government of the United States and the Government of the People's Republic of China Concerning the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy;
Whereas China agreed to allow a delegation of American religious leaders to conduct a fact-finding mission on religious freedom in China, to resume a project of accounting for prisoners, and to conduct preparatory talks on establishing a Non-Governmental Organization forum on human rights;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to conduct regular summit, cabinet-level, and sub-cabinet level meetings in their respective capitals, and agreed to the establishment of a direct telephone link between the two Presidents;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to increase contacts between their respective militaries in order to avoid incidents at sea between their naval forces, and to coordinate their responses to humanitarian crises;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to increase cooperation aimed at promoting the rule of law in China, including training judges and lawyers, drafting legal codes, and developing due process of law;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to expand their cooperation in law enforcement efforts, including by stationing officers of the United States Drug Enforcement Administration in the United States Embassy in Beijing;
Whereas the United States and China have agreed to cooperate on developing clean energy projects in China through the use of United States products and technology;
Whereas despite some significant achievements reached during the state visit of President Hiang Zemin, many significant concerns and problems remain in the U.S.-China relationship;
Whereas the United States continues to have serious concerns about the human rights policies and practices of the People's Republic of China, including the imprisonment of Wei Jingsheng, Wang Dan, and other dissidents, limitations on the free practice of religion, harsh population control measures (including isolated reports of forced abortion), the use of prison labor to produce cheap consumer goods, the continuing suppresson of the people of Tibet, and the refusal of China's leadership to meet with the Dalai Lama;
Whereas the United States continues to have deep concerns about reports of exports from China of nuclear, chemical, and ballistic missile technology, and advanced conventional weapons, to countries who are known proliferators, such as Iran and Pakistan;
Whereas the United States continues to seek from the People's Republic of China measures to reduce the growing trade imbalance between the United States and China, including access to China's markets for United States products and services;
Whereas the United States believes it is imperative that the People's Republic of China commit to resolving the Taiwan question by exclusively peaceful means, and that both sides should resume a Cross-Straits dialogue as soon as possible;
Whereas the recently concluded U.S.-China summit is part of President Clinton's articulated policy of engagement with the People's Republic of China, a central goal of which is to further draw the People's Republic of China into the international community and toward internationally recognized standards of behavior; and
Whereas President Clinton accepted President Jiang's invitation to make a return visit to the People's Republic of China in 1998: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) welcomes the agreements and understanding reached by the United States and the People's Republic of China during the state visit of President Jiang Zemin;
(2) urges the President to continue to press vigorously for further progress in China's policies and practices in the areas of human rights, nonproliferation, trade, Tibet, and Taiwan;
(3) views the expected return visit to the People's Republic of China in 1998 by President Clinton as an opportunity for the United States and the People's Republic of China to advance their relationship by enhancing cooperation in areas of accord and making genuine progress toward resolving areas of disagreement.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Madam President, today I am joined by a bipartisan group of my colleagues in submitting a resolution that expresses support for the agreements reached at the recent summit between President Clinton and President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China.
As the resolution makes clear, the United States and China did not come to agreement on every issue that divides us during the summit. Significant, even fundamental differences remain in some areas, particularly in the area of human rights. But there is no question that the summit was a positive step forward in building a cooperative partnership between the largest developed country and the largest developing country on earth.
The summit has, of course, occasioned a vigorous debate on the United States' policy toward China. It seems to me that the key to a successful China policy is to be able to encourage this large nation to take its place in the world as a stable, responsible leader that can help ensure peace and stability in Asia and the world.
The question is how to do this? Our choices seem to boil down to two:
Some say we should contain China, prevent its rise, and isolate it from the world community. We should recognize it as an adversary.
Others--myself and the cosponsors of this resolution included--say we should engage China, understand that our relationship is complex, develop a strategic partnership where we have like interests, and through intensive communication try to achieve common ground.
Last week's summit was, in my view, the beginning of a course of ongoing top level dialogue and diplomacy.
It showed that we must deal with China on the top levels. Prior to last week, our two presidents had had little communication. There was no red telephone, no way for the leaders to speak. Our dialogue was sporadic, and took place on second and third levels.
Was the summit a success? Yes. It was definitely more that just a series of photo-ops. It accomplished progress and concrete results which bear explicit restatement.
First, the summit established the ability of two country's leaders to talk with each other. They have resolved to engage in ongoing communication, conduct regular summit meetings--indeed, President Clinton will go to China next year--and the establishment of a telephone hotline.
This high-level communication is important, because Beijing does not always know what all its ministries are doing. Our intelligence can help bring it to their attention, as was the case when Chinese companies shipped ring magnets to Pakistan. U.S. intelligence also helped China shut down a number of illegal CD factories.
Second, the summit produced a very important nuclear non-proliferation agreement. China committed that it would engage in no new export of nuclear technology, expertise, or equipment to Iran. This is in addition to China having already signed the N.P.T., the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the CWC, and its commitment to abide by the Missile Technology Control Regime and its annexes. China also agreed to participate in multi-lateral efforts to control and monitor the export of nuclear materials. In exchange we have agreed to allow the export of peaceful nuclear energy technology to China.
Third, the summit led to several extremely useful military-to-military agreements. Two two sides agreed to expand military-to-military exchanges, including at the Secretary of Defense level, and to establish communications links to avoid accidental incidents at sea between the our navies.
Fourth, the summit produced agreements aimed at increasing U.S.-China cooperation on law enforcement. China agreed to the stationing of two DEA agents at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, and we will expand our cooperation in combating organized crime, counterfeiting, alien smuggling, and money laundering.
Fifth, the two sides reached agreements aimed at improving China's energy usage and decreasing its pollution problem. The United States and China will engage in a cooperative effort--using U.S. technology to work on China's serious urban air pollution problem, and to provide electricity to rural villages.
Sixth, in perhaps the most important contribution we can make to the cause of human rights in China, the two sides agreed on a number of measures aimed at promoting the rule of law in China. The United States and China will engage in a joint effort in developing the rule of law in China. It will involve the training of judges and lawyers, exchanges of legal experts, and assistance to China in drafting new criminal, civil, and commercial codes.
Seventh, even in the area of human rights, there were some modest gains. I emphasize `modest' because we still have fundamental differences with the Chinese on human rights. What we see as issues of basic human freedom and dignity, the regard as their `internal affairs,' with deep implications for China's stability and unity.
America's position was clearly put forward--by the President, by Members of Congress, and by the many demonstrations that followed President Jiang around. I believe Chinese leaders may now have an understanding of the depth of feeling about human rights issues in the United States in a way they could not have known before the visit.
Nevertheless, there was some limited progress. China agreed to receive a group of religious leaders from the U.S. to conduct fact-finding on religious freedom. China also agreed to resume a prisoner accounting project run by a businessman and human rights activist, John Kamm. In addition, China agreed to the establishment of a non-governmental organization human rights forum. Preparatory sessions will be held soon. And just prior to the summit, China signed the U.N. Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, which obligates parties to promote these rights in their countries.
Clearly, there were also major disappointments on human rights. There was no release of dissidents, and no comment that indicated any new thinking on Tiananmen Square. On Tibet, China clings to old and discredited arguments and has been non-committal on all overtures for talks with the Dalai Lama, and the repression in Tibet continues.
But even with the disappointments, things are changing in China. No large country has changed as much as China has in the last 30 years since the end of cultural revolution. Today there is a freer lifestyle, an improved standard of living, and much greater educational opportunities. There is a greater openness, and tremendous economic development. There is also a gradual lowering of tariffs and opening of borders.
Our relationship with China is not without its strains. Taiwan, for example remains the number one issue of sensitivity for China. The Chinese view it as a fundamental issue of sovereignty. I think the Administration understands this, and is firmly committed to the One China policy.
But otherwise, all issues remain negotiable and subject to the enterprise of diplomacy conducted at the highest levels. In this regard, the summit was definitely a step forward. For that reason, my colleagues and I submit this resolution to recognize the achievements of the summit, and to express our support for President Clinton's intention to make a return visit to China next year.