
DATE=12/2/1999 TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT TITLE=RUSSIA / YELTSIN / WEST NUMBER=5-44894 BYLINE=ANDRE DE NESNERA DATELINE=WASHINGTON CONTENT= VOICED AT: // Eds: This is the sixth in an eight-part series on Russia. Issues raised in the series include the role of the I-M-F, corruption, Russian-NATO relations and Boris Yeltsin's legacy. // INTRO: Many experts and analysts here in the United States are reassessing the West's policies toward Russia in the light of continuing economic problems there. In this sixth of eight reports on Russia, former V-O-A Moscow correspondent Andre de Nesnera looks at whether the West has placed too much trust in Russian President Boris Yeltsin. TEXT: The news from Russia this past year was not particularly bright. Allegations of corruption and money-laundering scandals involving high-level Russian officials made headlines. Questions were then raised about whether some of the diverted money may have included funds from international lending institutions. That generated criticism from some quarters about the West's overall policies toward Russia and debates whether there should be a reassessment of those policies. Since the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, the West has been trying to help Russia in the difficult transition from communism to democracy - and from a centralized economy to one governed by market forces. In the debate over the West's policies toward Moscow, many ask whether Western countries - led by the United States - were too close to Russian President Boris Yeltsin: supporting him no matter what. Mike McFaul - a Russia expert with the Carnegie Institution - says Washington made two critical mistakes: backing President Yeltsin in 1993 in his fight with lawmakers which ended with the bombing of the Parliament building. And tacitly supporting him during the 1994-96 war in Chechnya. /// McFAUL ACT /// That said, I also think it is very easy in retrospect to say: "Well, we were too close to Yeltsin." The fact of the matter is that Yeltsin is the elected leader of the country in Russia and therefore our elected leader of our country has to deal with Boris Yeltsin. Think of the opposite: if President Clinton went to Moscow and didn't meet with Mr. Yeltsin, but only met with (Communist Party leader) Gennady Zyuganov. How would the Russian people feel and how would the American people feel? It seems to me there is a certain obligation on behalf of world leaders to deal with each other, especially if they are popularly elected leaders. /// END ACT /// Many experts agree with that view. But some also say Washington became too enamored of President Yeltsin. One of them is Candoleeza Rice - former national Security Council member and senior foreign policy adviser to presidential hopeful George Bush. /// RICE ACT /// Yeltsin is the Russian President and you have to go through the Russian President. I think the problem has been that really only since the election of 1996 - I would not make this argument earlier - we became so closely associated with Boris Yeltsin that his agenda became our agenda, that whatever he said - we said, that whatever he wanted to certify - we certified. And I think that was a mistake, because the Yeltsin government after 1996 has been less representative, it has been less capable and competent. You have had musical chairs, revolving door prime ministers. And the gulf - the divide - between the Russians and their president in the Kremlin has been growing. And unfortunately for us, because we are so associated with Yeltsin, the gulf between America and the Russian people has been growing too. /// END ACT /// Many analysts believe the United States has lost credibility in the eyes of many Russians by staunchly supporting President Yeltsin. Paula Dobriansky - from the "Council on Foreign Relations" - says there was virtually no attempt to seek possible political alternatives to the Russian leader. /// DOBRIANSKY ACT /// Yeltsin, of course, is President. Officially we must deal with him and we should deal with him. But at the same time, I think we needed a more vibrant effort at developing relationships, particularly with those up and coming leaders - younger leaders - leaders who are not in Moscow, but some who are in the periphery. /// END ACT /// Experts say as Russia moves more and more away from its Soviet past - and as regions attempt to gain more power from Moscow - provincial leaders will become more important. It is essential, analysts say, for Western policymakers to develop relations with those potential political stars - and not only focus on politicians based in Moscow. (Signed) NEB/ADEN/KL 02-Dec-1999 14:20 PM EDT (02-Dec-1999 1920 UTC) NNNN Source: Voice of America .