17 March 1999

TRANSCRIPT: GROSSMAN ON NATO'S ROLE IN THE NEW MILLENNIUM

(From USIA electronic journal "U.S. Foreign Policy Agenda")

(As NATO enters the new millennium, its core objective will continue
to be "collective defense," says Ambassador Marc Grossman, Assistant
Secretary of State for European Affairs. "The Alliance must also
improve its flexibility and capacity to prevent, deter, and, if
necessary, respond to a broad range of threats, including the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction." Stressing the
importance of enlargement, Grossman predicts that the three new
members of NATO will not be the last ones. "The summit will reaffirm
that NATO's door remains open, and that the Alliance will be active in
helping aspirants walk through it," he says. Grossman's assessment is
included in the March issue of the USIA electronic journal "U.S.
Foreign Policy Agenda," which addresses the topic, "NATO's 50th
Anniversary." Following are Grossman's responses to questions posed by
editors of the journal.)

QUESTION: How does NATO fit into the overall U.S. relationship with
Europe?

GROSSMAN: Our relationship with Europe is vital and extensive. When we
work together we can successfully overcome larger problems and set the
global agenda. NATO is one of the most important institutions we and
the Europeans have for making that happen. But it is also part of a
wider set of institutional relations with Europe that includes the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the
European Union (EU). The kinds of challenges confronting us now and
that will continue to confront us in the 21st century are such that no
single country can cope with them alone. Whether it's weapons of mass
destruction or international organized crime, just to mention two, we
need a strong partnership with Europe and an array of institutions to
promote and defend our common interests. At this year's NATO, OSCE,
and U.S.-European Union Summits we'll be working with our European
partners to create a strategy that allows each of these institutions
to do what they do best while reinforcing each other.

Within this institutional framework, it is the NATO Alliance that
preserves our security and protects our common interests. NATO is a
key instrument for promoting security and stability throughout Europe
as a whole. Through NATO crisis management operations like SFOR
(Stabilization Force) in Bosnia, we deal with regional conflicts that
undermine the security of a far broader area. And NATO open to new
members helps to end Cold War divisions. NATO's special ties to Russia
and Ukraine encourage cooperation and consultation, helping overcome
years of antagonism and distrust.

Q: Have the expansion of NATO and the U.S. introduction of the
Partnership for Peace (PfP) concept had an impact on the expansion of
the EU?

GROSSMAN: Most definitely, and it's been positive. We support EU
enlargement for the same reason that we support NATO enlargement: to
foster democracy, prosperity, and security among the new democracies
of Central and Eastern Europe.

The NATO enlargement process provides confidence to EU candidate
countries that their security needs are being supported. It also gives
them valuable experience through increasingly close collaboration and
consultation with the Alliance. Both make it easier for EU applicants
to take the steps necessary to join the EU. Similarly, PfP provides
its members essential practice in democratic procedures. They see how
civilians run militaries and how legislatures decide military budgets
and policies. Learning and incorporating democratic values is what
prepares candidate countries for joining both NATO and the EU.

Q: Do the EU and OSCE have any role in transatlantic security? If so,
how does the security role of NATO relate to the security concerns of
OSCE?

GROSSMAN: Both the OSCE and the U.S.-EU relationship play important
and complementary roles in our Euro-Atlantic security architecture.
The EU is not a transatlantic institution, of course, but the U.S.-EU
relationship is vital to our security and prosperity. As Secretary of
State Albright has said, "NATO will always be the institution of
choice when North America and Europe decide to act together
militarily." The OSCE is the premier institution when it comes to
promoting human rights and democracy in Europe.

The OSCE plays an essential role in early warning, conflict
prevention, crisis management, and post-conflict rehabilitation. The
past several years in Bosnia and more recent events in Kosovo
illustrate how NATO and the OSCE work together. Only NATO, for
example, had the ability to separate the warring forces in Bosnia.
Only the OSCE had the capability to supervise elections. Both elements
were critical to the success of the Dayton Peace Accords. The "New
Transatlantic Agenda," which was launched by President Clinton and EU
leaders in December 1995, gives us a flexible way to address a whole
host of security concerns. On the agenda, for example, are diplomatic
cooperation on regional crises, development assistance, and human
rights; joint approaches to counter-terrorism, non-proliferation, and
counter-narcotics; and cooperation on environmental protection,
disease control, international crime, and law enforcement.

Q: Is the experience in Kosovo a good model for the integration of
European security institutions?

GROSSMAN: Both in Bosnia and Kosovo, our transatlantic institutions
have worked together to try to resolve serious conflicts and promote
stability. In Bosnia, NATO provided the security framework for the
Dayton peace agreement. The OSCE devised the election system and
managed the arms control negotiations. The EU gave assistance crucial
to rebuilding civil society throughout the country. Carrying out these
functions required regular and close cooperation.

The situation in Kosovo is different from Bosnia. But these three
institutions are working there. NATO has provided the military might
to stave off both full-scale war and an enormous humanitarian
disaster. The international community called upon the OSCE to monitor
the situation on the ground with the Kosovo Verification Mission
(KVM). And the EU, in cooperation with the United States, will play a
major role in post-settlement assistance to rebuild civil society
there.

Q: What influence do Russia and Ukraine have on the U.S-transatlantic
relationship?

GROSSMAN: Our relationship with both countries is very important. We
work with them on a whole range of issues. When we think about Russia
and Ukraine in the context of the Euro-Atlantic relationship, the
emphasis is on integration.

We were very pleased when both countries became members of PfP. To
intensify interchange, NATO created the Permanent Joint Council with
Russia, and the NATO-Ukraine Commission. Both countries are also
members of the Council of Europe and play a very important role in the
OSCE. As we move ahead with our transatlantic agenda, we will continue
to encourage as much exchange and interaction among the Euro-Atlantic
community, Russia, and Ukraine as possible.

Q: What are the implications for the U.S.-European relationship as a
result of the increasing economic integration of Europe as reflected
in the introduction of the euro?

GROSSMAN: We think the euro will be good for Europeans and for us. It
is an historic milestone in the history of European integration, which
has been supported by the United States since the very beginning. It
is important to everyone that the euro succeed.

The United States will benefit from an economically dynamic Europe.
Europe will be a bigger market for our exports and a better place for
U.S. firms to conduct business. If the euro, as we hope, stimulates
the development of a continent-wide capital market and leads to
structural reforms, then European demand for U.S. imports will
increase.

Q: What are the U.S. goals for the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council
meeting that will follow the NATO Summit in Washington?

GROSSMAN: The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council meeting takes place on
the second day of the Washington Summit. This meeting can make clear
that the EAPC is becoming the nucleus of a cooperative security
network bringing all the democracies of Europe together to address
common challenges.

We hope the meetings of the Washington Summit will highlight the
importance of deepening the integration of all Partners -- whether or
not they aspire to NATO membership -- in the work of the Alliance,
since we see this cooperation as a critical element in projecting
security and stability in and for Europe.

These meetings give us an opportunity to discuss how to make our
partnership as operational as possible. One key goal is to define a
framework that allows for closer involvement of Partners in the
planning and direction of future non-Article 5 operations. So we will
be looking at how to build the right arrangements to ensure that
Alliance and Partner units can operate together effectively.

Q: How do you see NATO's evolving role and key objectives as it enters
the new millennium?

GROSSMAN: As Secretary Albright said at NATO's Foreign Ministers'
meeting in December 1998, "We want an Alliance strengthened by new
members; capable of collective defense; committed to meeting a wide
range of threats to our shared interests and values; and acting in
partnership with others to ensure stability, freedom, and peace in and
for the entire transatlantic area."

NATO's core objective will remain collective defense. The Alliance
must also improve its flexibility and capacity to prevent, deter, and,
if necessary, respond to a broad range of threats, including the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

NATO enlargement is also important. It is a natural and continuing
consequence of the enlargement of a peaceful, undivided, and
democratic Europe; the three new members will not be the last ones.
The summit will reaffirm that NATO's door remains open, and that the
Alliance will be active in helping aspirants walk through it.

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