News

The New York Times April 29, 1998

Stop Worrying About Russia

By MADELEINE K. ALBRIGHT

This week, the Senate will be asked to ratify the admission of Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic to NATO.

The vote comes at a turning point in European history. For the first time, we have a chance to break the old patterns of conflict and to extend to Europe's eastern half the same recipe that has made war inconceivable in its western half. We finally have a chance to build a Europe whole and free.

But we will not do that by making NATO the last institution in Europe to keep the Iron Curtain as its eastern frontier. We will not do that if Europe's premier security alliance excludes a whole group of qualified democracies simply because they were subjugated in the past. We will not do that if NATO refuses to be open to those free nations that are willing and able to meet the responsibilities of membership.

This is the central issue in the debate over NATO enlargement. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic have met every possible requirement of membership. They are strong democracies with healthy economies. They have helped us resolve virtually every potential ethnic and territorial dispute in their region. Their soldiers have risked their lives in the Persian Gulf war and Bosnia. All three have offered to contribute forces if a military strike is necessary in Iraq.

The most fundamental argument the critics have put forward is that the admission of even a single new NATO ally from Central Europe will harm our relations with Russia.

My first response is to wonder why some people cannot discuss the future of Central Europe without immediately changing the subject to Russia. Central Europe has more than 20 countries and 200 million people, with its own history, its own problems and its own contributions to make to our alliance. Most of these countries do not even border Russia. But their security is and always has been vital to the future of Europe as a whole.

Critics who focus on Russia's opposition to enlargement are cynically assuming that Russia will always define its national interests in ways inimical to our own. They believe that Russia will always be threatened and humiliated by the desire of its former satellites to go their own way, that it will never get over the end of its empire. They think Russia's neighbors must set aside their legitimate aspirations indefinitely so that the United States and Russia can get along.

These assumptions not only sell Russia short -- they are also dangerous. If we want Russia to complete its transformation into a modern European power, the last thing we should do is to act as if Central Europe is still a Russian sphere of influence.

As for cooperation between the United States and Russia, I have a pretty good vantage point on that question as Secretary of State, and I have not seen one scintilla of evidence to support the critics' fears.

Russian leaders don't like NATO enlargement, but we have both chosen to cooperate on those issues where we agree, and they are many. We have disagreements on matters like Iraq and Iran -- but these have everything to do with the way Russia has traditionally pursued its interests in that part of the world, and nothing to do with an issue as distant as Hungarian membership in NATO. W e have continued to push ahead with arms control, too. Russia is a year ahead of schedule in slicing apart weapons under Start I. We have agreed on the outlines of a Start III treaty that would cut nuclear arsenals to 80 percent below their cold war peaks. With the confirmation of Prime Minister Sergei Kiriyenko, Start II ratification is back on track in the Duma.

The bottom line is this: we can continue to treat European politics as a zero-sum game, in which Russia must lose if Central Europe gains, and Central Europe must lose if Russia gains. We can stay allied with Europe's old democracies forever, but its new democracies never. Or we can realize that the cold war is over and that Europe has changed fundamentally.

Saying "yes" to a larger NATO would be a good sign that we do understand.

Madeleine K. Albright is the Secretary of State.