06 October 1997
(At Southeastern Europe Defense Ministerial) (3620) Sofia, Bulgaria -- "We have an opportunity before us as great as it is rare: we have the chance to build a Europe whole, free and at peace, a Europe whose security is not based on its divisions but is based instead on its potential for integration," Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs Marc Grossman told participants at the Southeastern Europe Defense Ministerial October 3. "President Clinton and Secretary Albright believe that all of us here today can achieve this vision -- if we proceed from two basic realities," Grossman said. The first is that security in Europe does not just mean avoiding large-scale military conflict: "it also means building security within societies -- consolidating democratic reform, ensuring respect for human rights, and sustaining economic reform until it brings eventual prosperity. It means building confidence among neighbors." The other basic reality is the obligation to work together to build stability and security, he said. The Cold War is over, but the peace and security of Europe should not be taken for granted -- more Europeans have died violenty since the end of the Cold War than during it. "The United States and its SFOR partners have ended the Bosnian war and are now consolidating the peace. And we want to enlist the full support of stable states in Southern Europe for efforts to shape a durable peace in Bosnia and elsewhere in Europe," Grossman said. Another challenge that needs to be faced together is the Kosovo situation, he said, which "remains critical. And we believe it is essential for the authorities in Belgrade and the leadership of the Kosovar Albanian community to join a peaceful dialogue to reduce tension." Grossman stressed that "local initiatives that promote regional cooperation are essential to a lasting peace. We will stand with Southeastern Europe -- but the nations of this region must lead the way." As a follow-up to the Madrid NATO Summit, the United States will increase its focus on Southeastern Europe, "working on the basis of three central principles: first, support for broad integration; second, securing the peace in Bosnia; and third, encouraging regional cooperation," he said. "To join the mainstream of Europe, the countries of the region will need to work together to further regional stability, to intensify cooperation, and to solidify reforms. They will find in the United States a willing and active partner.... Closer cooperation among the peoples of the region is an important foundation for -- and not an alternative to -- full membership in the new Europe." Grossman discussed the U.S. commitment to NATO enlargement, noting that "one of our top priorities is to get NATO's transformation right" -- for the United States and its NATO allies, for the three countries that have been invited to join, and for the other Partners, including those aspiring to join NATO. "Getting NATO's transformation right means getting NATO's relationship with Russia and with Ukraine right," he said. "NATO created through the Founding Act a Permanent Joint Council with Russia, which met for the first time in ministerial session last Friday in New York. It was a historic moment. The Russians understand that a new NATO in Europe which is whole and free is no threat to them. On the contrary, we work together in pursuit of the same goals." Beyond the traditional European security agenda, Grossman said that the United States and the countries of the region would address "the new challenges, the global challenges," such as organized crime, money laundering, drugs, illicit arms trade, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and terrorism. In closing, the assistant secretary said, "Each of the countries of Southeastern Europe has its own history, has its own identity, and has faced its own challenges. The pace and the extent to which we can cooperate and the pace of integration itself depend on the unique circumstances of each partner and each partner's willingness to commit to this joint effort." Following are Assistant Secretary Grossman's remarks as delivered: (Begin text) ADVANCING STABILITY AND INTEGRATION IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE Address by Marc Grossman Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs Southeastern Europe Defense Ministerial Atlantic Club Sofia, Bulgaria October 3, 1997 Thank you very much. Ambassador Bohlen, I appreciate your kind words. Secretary General: Mr. Chairman: Distinguished guests: Mrs. Woerner: It does my heart a considerable amount of good to speak in front of the NATO symbol. I think it's the right thing, I think it's the perfect thing today, and I can't think of a better introduction than to be here today at the Atlantic Treaty Association, and that you've offered me the opportunity to talk a little bit about American perspectives on European security in general, and towards Southeastern Europe in particular. Before I begin, may I say that every single person in this room, everyone involved in Atlantic Treaty Associations, in Atlantic Clubs, in the support of the North Atlantic Treaty Association are building and promoting the values and ideals of the Atlantic community. You do important work in your countries and in your respective communities. And I salute you. It is a particular pleasure to be in Bulgaria, where as Ambassador Bohlen said I had the chance to visit four times in the late 1980s, and to see the important changes that have occurred since then and the very important transformation which has occurred over the past year. I thank the Atlantic Treaty Association, and the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria and its President, Solomon Passy, for the opportunity to address you today. We have an opportunity before us as great as it is rare: we have the chance to build a Europe whole, free and at peace, a Europe whose security is not based on its divisions but is based instead on its potential for integration. President Clinton and Secretary Albright believe that all of us here today can achieve this vision -- if we proceed from two basic realities. The first is to understand that security in today's Europe does not rest on a single pillar. Security in today's Europe means not just the obligation to avoid large-scale military conflict. It also means building security within societies -- consolidating democratic reform, ensuring respect for human rights, and sustaining economic reform until it brings eventual prosperity. It means building confidence among neighbors. Each, each, of these elements must advance or none of them will. The other basic reality is our obligation to work together to create this security. The Cold War is over. But we cannot take peace or security of Europe for granted. From Bosnia to Croatia, Chechnya, Nagorno-Karabakh, more Europeans have died violently since the end of the Cold War than during the Cold War. The United States and its SFOR partners have ended the Bosnian war and are now consolidating the peace. And we want to enlist the full support of stable states in Southern Europe for efforts to shape a durable peace in Bosnia and elsewhere in Europe. We say that no one can join the European mainstream at the expense of one's neighbors. Local initiatives that promote regional cooperation are essential to a lasting peace. We will stand with Southeastern Europe -- but the nations of this region must lead the way. America remains a European power. We are committed to ensuring stability throughout the continent. But those who seek to join the community of leading democracies must show they are prepared to meet the obligations that come with membership. The United States is committed to democracy and stability in Southeastern Europe and the region's integration into Europe's mainstream. As Secretary Albright said last week in New York, "Our goal is clear: we want to work with you, the nations of Southeastern Europe, in making this a region where democracy flourishes, human rights are respected, prosperity is growing, and good-neighborly relations are so common that they are routine." We made a commitment to this goal in Dayton. We made a commitment to this goal in Madrid. And I underscore this commitment to you today. The United States has placed a new priority on Southeastern Europe as part of the follow-up to Madrid. Building upon existing engagement, we will put even greater focus on this region, working on the basis of three central principles: first, support for broad integration; second, securing the peace in Bosnia; and third, encouraging regional cooperation. Let me discuss each in turn. First, the United States will remain committed to broad European integration. America's partnership with Europe is vital for the United States. Important institutions, which we believe in, are working to make Europe united, democratic and prosperous, institutions that include NATO, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe. Under the leadership of President Clinton, Secretary Albright and Secretary of Defense Cohen, who is here in Bulgaria today, NATO is adding new members, building deeper partnerships with all of Europe's democracies, and ensuring that the door remains open to aspiring members. Now, I need hardly convince members and leaders of the Atlantic Treaty Association of why a new, larger NATO is such a good idea. It will make our Alliance stronger and better able to address the new security challenges in and around Europe. That means we will work with you to overcome Europe's remaining divisions. It means we will work to integrate those nations that have cleared the hurdles of reform and are willing and able to contribute their strength to ours. And it means we will oppose, oppose strongly raising artificial barriers to the aspiration of any European nation that is willing to accept the standards of responsibility of the democratic community. It means that one of our top priorities is to get NATO's transformation right. As I think about what it means to get NATO's transformation right, I keep coming back to four basic points: First, we must get NATO's transformation right for the United States and for our current allies. This is going to mean deciding our new command structures, acquiring new military capabilities, and choosing the right direction for the Alliance in the 21st century. It means we need to agree on the military requirements and the costs of NATO enlargement. Second, we must also get NATO's transformation right for those countries whom we have invited to join the Alliance: Hungary, Poland.,and the Czech Republic. NATO is not a charity. NATO is not a private club. It's not about joining a club, it's about joining a security alliance. As Secretary Albright put it in Prague, if you want first-class security, you need to make a first-class contribution. New members must be willing and able to make that contribution. Third, getting NATO's transformation right means getting NATO's relationship with Russia and with Ukraine right. NATO created through the Founding Act a Permanent Joint Council with Russia, which met for the first time in ministerial session last Friday in New York. It was a historic moment. The Russians understand that a new NATO in Europe which is whole and free is no threat to them. On the contrary, we work together in pursuit of the same goals. Fourth, and very important to the meeting today, we must get NATO's transformation right for our other Partners, including those countries aspiring to membership that were not invited to join the Alliance in Madrid. At Madrid, NATO's leaders affirmed that the door to NATO remains open. Our decision to support three candidates for an initial round of NATO enlargement reflected our assessment that at this juncture only those countries were fully ready for the obligations of NATO membership and the Alliance's own interests and future cohesion were best served by a step-by-step approach. But let me be clear: our answer is not "no" but rather "not yet." And we are backing up that commitment with a process that helps aspiring countries understand what they must do to further their aspirations. This process includes the enhanced dialogues that NATO is conducting with aspiring NATO members. These dialogues will be strengthened and will focus clearly on what aspirants must do to meet the political and military conditions for membership. We will be candid about the shortcomings of Partners, and they must demonstrate their commitment to meet the Alliance's standards. We have been clear with everyone that the United States has not decided when we would be willing to agree to further NATO enlargement decisions. And we will not pre-designate candidates. But we will actively pursue the open-door policy and help aspiring Partners help themselves to become stronger candidates for the future. Second, the United States remains committed to peace in Bosnia. Implementation of the Dayton Agreement is a top priority -- but this is a job that is far from done. Given the complexity of the challenge, I suppose this is hardly surprising. Bosnia is on a tightrope, edging toward a better future but still not past the point of danger. Most refugees are unable to return home. The Republika Srpska is gripped by a struggle for its future. And indicted war criminals remain at large. The international community must continue to act together to ensure that the gains that we have made at such a tremendous cost are consolidated, and that the process moves rapidly forward. We must continue to support those who uphold the Dayton Agreement and oppose those who don't. We value the contribution of many countries in the area to the Dayton peace process and have not forgotten the heavy price of sanctions that the countries in this region paid even before the Dayton Agreement. As we move forward, we must work intensively together to secure this peace in the broader regional setting. If Dayton fails, Bosnia will certainly slide back into conflict, potentially leading to more conflict in Southeastern Europe. It would undermine NATO's credibility at a critical moment when the Alliance is preparing for new members and for new missions. But, as National Security Advisor Berger said last week in Washington, "As we assess the prospects for Bosnia, we must adopt a realism that is self-correcting, and not a pessimism which is self-defeating." The promise of Dayton will only be fully realized when the benefits of peace are anchored in this region as a whole. And so that is why, as a third principle, to join the mainstream of Europe, the countries of the region will need to work together to further regional stability, to intensify cooperation, and to solidify reforms. They will find in the United States a willing and active partner. We are heartened by the gains many Southeast European countries have made in putting their economies and societies on the path to full integration with Europe and with the world. We applaud, for example, the tremendous progress in countries such as Romania and here in Bulgaria, especially under the leadership of reform-minded governments. Slovenia's economic progress and stability can enable it to play a more active role in regional affairs. With the support of the international community, Albania held successful elections and is working to restore its stability. Bulgaria and Romania are developing new trilateral agreements. Hungary and Romania continue to draw closer together. And even today, as we are having this meeting, the Presidents of Turkey, of Romania and Bulgaria are meeting here, in Bulgaria, to explore new possibilities. That is because throughout this region democratic reforms are deepening. Country after country has also made sure that soldiers take orders from civilians rather than the other way around. The Southeast Europe Defense Ministerial in Sofia is an example of the activities now under way to increase cooperation throughout the region. We applaud the participants and especially our Bulgarian hosts for making it such a success. We welcome the Partnership for Peace activities that have fostered further regional cooperation, as well as proposals such as Bulgaria's for a Black Sea Initiative in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. We also welcome the establishment of a Romanian-Hungarian peacekeeping battalion and look forward to other initiatives which will complement efforts for peacekeeping in the region. And we believe that the Southeast European Cooperative Initiative, or SECI as it is known, provides an important means for the countries in the region to work together. All of these efforts underscore a very important truth: closer cooperation among the peoples of the region is an important foundation for -- and not an alternative to -- full membership in the new Europe. This region's strategic location as a major crossroads, reaching east and south from Central Europe to the Black Sea and the Adriatic, affords many opportunities to extend these ties. In making our effort in Southeast Europe a priority, the United States will build on what is already being done. Our objective is to add value. For example, enhanced Partnership for Peace and EAPC will enable all of the countries of the region to improve their relations with us, with NATO, and with each other. Through these institutions, we can develop plans and programs that further our goals of integration and regional cooperation. Bulgaria and Romania have been active participants in Partnership for Peace. And meaningful Partnership for Peace contributions have been made by other countries as well. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, for example, hosted three PFP exercises in the last year. NATO is already looking at ways in which PFP can be used to help Albania rebuild and restructure its military institutions, and all of us must do our part to make sure that that effort succeeds. Now together, we face other challenges to peace in the region apart from Bosnia. The situation in Kosovo, for example, remains critical. And we believe it is essential for the authorities in Belgrade and the leadership of the Kosovar Albanian community to join a peaceful dialogue to reduce tension. We must continue to work together in Albania. Unsettled issues from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia's independence cloud relations with its neighbors. UNPREDEP's mission has shown the wisdom of preventive international action -- and should be extended. We will also explore ways to go beyond the traditional European security agenda and to address the new challenges, the global challenges, such as organized crime, money laundering, drugs, the illicit arms trade, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the scourge to our world of terrorism. In his address last week to the UN General Assembly, President Clinton highlighted the need to combat these global problems. We welcome Bulgaria's intention to consider these issues as part of its Black Sea Initiative, which we hope will encompass all of the countries of the Black Sea region. Now our renewed attention to Southeastern Europe, our priority on Southeastern Europe, is supported by a large array of U.S. programs designed to address some of the region's economic challenges. We are reorienting our SEED assistance programs to focus more intensively on this region. These programs support privatization, fiscal and financial reform, private sector development, democratization, the strengthening of non-governmental organizations, and the independent media. Secretary of Defense Cohen mentioned today a $30-million South Balkan Development Initiative, which will help to develop the region's East-West transportation infrastructure. And we will continue to provide our support to SECI, as this wonderful institution moves ahead in developing project proposals, and we welcome the support that SECI countries gave to us in New York at its first ministerial meeting last week. On the defense side, since we must never forget that we are a defensive alliance, we will request increased foreign military financing under the Warsaw Initiative program for Fiscal Year 1999 to help us further our objectives in Partnership for Peace and in the EAPC, and to carry out our priorities in the region. Let me also be clear, so there is no misunderstanding about our support for substantial European Union efforts in this region. Throughout the history of the European Union, this wonderful organization has strengthened the democratic impulses of a wider Europe. The extension of the European Union eastward is important and, although we are not members and this is not our decision to make, we hope this extension proceeds as rapidly and as expansively as possible. What does this new priority from the United States mean for the countries of Southeastern Europe? It means that the stability and integration of Southeastern Europe is crucial to a Europe whole, free, and at peace. It means that the United States is prepared to invest energy in efforts to further the stability and further the integration of this region. -- we will intensify our political engagement; -- we will support regional cooperative efforts, like today's Defense Ministerial Meeting and SECI; -- we will work to develop new initiatives, working with NATO, with the European Union, with the countries of the region, and international financial institutions; -- and, where our engagement can provide added value, we offer our good offices as an honest broker. Each of the countries of Southeastern Europe has its own history, has its own identity, and has faced its own challenges. The pace and the extent to which we can cooperate and the pace of integration itself depend on the unique circumstances of each partner and each partner's willingness to commit to this joint effort. We have a great deal of work to do in the coming months to bring the many pieces of this challenge together. The United States will bring dynamism and drive to our effort to help develop joint activities that can build a region whose frontiers unite rather than divide, and whose horizons are wider than its borders. Thank you. (End text)