News

USIS Washington File

13 January 2000

Text: Robertson Remarks on NATO, Peacekeeping and Conflict Prevention

(The future should see "more prevention and less intervention") (1470)

While the NATO campaign in Kosovo is useful as a study in crisis
management, "it should not be seen as a model for the future," NATO
Secretary General George Robertson said January 13. "Ideally, the
future should be characterised by more prevention and less
intervention."

Lord Robertson's remarks came during the "Conference on the
Trans-Atlantic Century" at the Aspen Institute in Rome.

The conflicts in Bosnia and Kosovo made it clear that Europe "is still
subject to the political, economic and military pressures that can and
do lead to open conflict," he said. "Accordingly, all our institutions
must prepare themselves to face these new challenges."

Kosovo can serve "as an example both of the complexities of crisis
management and of the wide variety of means NATO has applied -- and
still is applying" -- including conflict prevention, isolation of the
conflict and efforts to stabilize the region, humanitarian assistance,
bringing Russia "on board" through dialogue and consultations, a
robust peacekeeping force, and economic assistance to the region.

"We were able to stop the crisis from spreading, we reversed the
ethnic cleansing, and we are now working together with the Stability
Pact and the wider International Community to offer all of
Southeastern Europe the perspective of a brighter tomorrow," Lord
Robertson noted.

"In an historically unprecedented display of solidarity, virtually all
nations of the Euro-Atlantic area have demonstrated that they share
common values, and that they are prepared to defend these values."

He said that that NATO political and military reforms begun long
before Kosovo paid off during the campaign. "This Alliance has adapted
its political and military tools....We have opted for political and
military cooperation across the continent. We engaged Russia and
Ukraine constructively. And we changed our strategy and force
structures to better respond to the challenge of peace support
operations.... In the Kosovo campaign, all these reforms paid off."

But acknowledging that "despite all our efforts, we couldn't prevent
the Kosovo conflict," Lord Robertson said that preventive mechanisms,
from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to
NATO's Partnership initiatives, must be strengthened.

Following is the text of Robertson's remarks:

(begin text)

PEACEKEEPING AND CONFLICT PREVENTION: WHAT RISKS AND THREATS IN
GEOPOLITICS IN THE FUTURE?

Intervention by NATO Secretary General, Lord Robertson
At the Conference "The Trans-Atlantic Century" Aspen Institute, Rome

13 Jan. 2000

Ladies and Gentlemen: The British novelist Joyce Cary once was asked
why he had volunteered for the Balkan Wars of 1912. He replied that he
had not wanted to miss the experience of war, for he had thought that
this would be the last of all wars. Unfortunately, Mr. Cary's haste
was quite unnecessary. Even 80 years later, the experience he had so
eagerly sought is still tragically available.

The conflicts in Bosnia and Kosovo have made it utterly clear that
peacekeeping and conflict prevention are no longer concepts that just
apply to other regions of the world but not to today's Europe. Nor are
they concepts that concern the UN alone. On the contrary. Europe has
to accept that this continent is still subject to the political,
economic and military pressures that can and do lead to open conflict.
Accordingly, all our institutions must prepare themselves to face
these new challenges.

NATO is preparing to meet these challenges. Over the course of the
1990s this Alliance has adapted its political and military tools to
cope with conflicts in the Euro-Atlantic area. We have opted for
political and military cooperation across the continent. We engaged
Russia and Ukraine constructively. And we changed our strategy and
force structures to better respond to the challenge of peace support
operations: with more mobility, more flexibility, and more Partner
involvement.

In the Kosovo campaign, all these reforms paid off, as I would like to
illustrate in the remainder of my remarks. Let me be clear: I don't
want to imply that the Kosovo conflict could serve as some template
for the future. Yet it can certainly serve as an example both of the
complexities of crisis management and of the wide variety of means
NATO has applied -- and still is applying.

What were the elements of NATO's approach? Above all, the imperative
of conflict prevention. From the outset, NATO supported the
international diplomatic efforts with military pressure. With its
threat of airstrikes in the fall of 1998, the Alliance even ended an
existing serious refugee crisis. We then supported the OSCE
Verification Mission in Kosovo, and then the Rambouillet talks. It was
only after all diplomatic means had been exhausted, that to inhibit
and eventually end the violence we had to resort to force. But even
then we did not confine ourselves to airstrikes, as may have been the
public impression. From the outset, our strategy was wider and
long-term.

First, we isolated the conflict. As soon as the situation worsened in
1998 we undertook measures to stabilise the immediate neighbourhood.
Preventive deployments in FYROM and exercises in Albania clearly
demonstrated our determination not to allow the conflict to spread.
Last March we also created a Consultative Forum with seven countries
in the region. All these steps were only possible because of our
developed policy of partnership and cooperation. Without it, we would
have had to work from scratch.

Secondly, we provided humanitarian assistance to FYROM [Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia] and Albania. Although almost unnoticed
by the broader public, NATO's air campaign was accompanied by an
unprecedented humanitarian operation to provide food and shelter for
the hundreds of thousands of refugees from Kosovo. This helped
alleviate the enormous pressure being put on the very fragile
economies and political structures of our two key Partners in the
region. Again, it is doubtful whether we could have done this without
the years of cooperation with FYROM and Albania.

Thirdly, we brought Russia on board. When the air campaign began,
Russia suspended its consultations with us in the Permanent Joint
Council. But our efforts to re-engage Russia never ceased. When Russia
realised that NATO was determined to prevail, Russia became part of
the diplomatic solution -- and of its military implementation through
KFOR. Consultations in the PJC resumed. Our relationship is still not
where we would like it to be. But I would maintain that our years of
dialogue have made a difference. Unlike the early 20th century, when
the Balkans were Europe's powder keg, Kosovo saw all major powers
finally acting on the same side -- the side of peace.

Fourthly, we created a robust peacekeeping force, incorporating
contributions from many of our Partner nations. KFOR, like its
counterpart SFOR in Bosnia, could only be set up as rapidly and
effectively as it was because Allies and Partners had been cooperating
militarily for years. Through KFOR, NATO and its Partners have created
the secure environment for other organisations - governmental and
non-governmental - to help with civil and economic reconstruction.

Finally, we are looking beyond the conflict region itself. All of
Southeastern Europe must be given a perspective of re-joining the
European mainstream - because the clearest lesson of the last 50 years
is that integration breeds trust, stability and prosperity. Put
differently, integration is conflict prevention in its ultimate. That
is why NATO, through its own Southeast Europe Initiative, is
supporting the EU Stability Pact for Southeast-Europe. We will explore
ways to enhance regional security cooperation. And we will help
aspirant countries from Southeastern Europe to prepare their
candidacies for NATO membership.

Ladies and Gentlemen, let me conclude.

As I said before, Kosovo should not be seen as a model for the future.
Ideally, the future should be characterised by more prevention and
less intervention. That is why we must strengthen preventive
mechanisms, from the OSCE to NATO's Partnership initiatives.

Despite all our efforts, we couldn't prevent the Kosovo conflict. As
the recent OSCE Report proved, Milosevic was intent on ethnically
cleansing Kosovo.

But we were able to stop the crisis from spreading, we reversed the
ethnic cleansing, and we are now working together with the Stability
Pact and the wider International Community to offer all of
Southeastern Europe the perspective of a brighter tomorrow. In an
historically unprecedented display of solidarity, virtually all
nations of the Euro-Atlantic area have demonstrated that they share
common values, and that they are prepared to defend these values. This
is an auspicious beginning for the Transatlantic Century, as you name
it in the title of your Conference, a century in which NATO is ready
to play a central part and make a lasting contribution to peace and
stability.

Thank you.

(end text)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State)