12 March 1999

TEXT: ALBRIGHT ON NATO ENTRY OF POLAND, HUNGARY, CZECH REPUBLIC

(SecState tells new members "you are truly allies" 3/12/99) (3520)

Independence, Missouri -- "You are truly allies," Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright told representatives of Poland, Hungary, and the
Czech Republic.

At the March 12 ceremony marking the entry of the three nations into
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Albright vowed that
"never again" will the fates of these countries "be tossed around like
poker chips on a bargaining table.

"Whether you are helping to revise the Alliance's Strategic Concept or
engaging in NATO's partnership with Russia, the promise of 'nothing
about you without you' is now formalized; you are truly allies; you
are truly home," the Secretary said.

She warned that "We must never fall back into complacency; or presume
that totalitarianism is forever dead; or retreat in the face of
aggression....

"And we must never forget that the destinies of Europe and North
America are inseparable."

Albright noted that the accession of NATO's three newest members --
the Organization now includes 19 nations -- "is a sign that we have
not grown complacent about protecting the security of our citizens."
She reiterated President Clinton's position that a larger NATO will
"make America safer, our Alliance stronger, and Europe more peaceful
and united."

NATO's doors will remain open to other nations as well, Albright said,
noting that this point will be made at NATO 50th Anniversary Summit in
Washington, D.C. April 23-24. At that Summit, plans will be announced
"to help prepare aspiring members to meet NATO's high standards."

But the centerpiece of the Summit, she emphasized, "will be the
unveiling of a revised Strategic Concept that will take into account
the variety of future dangers the Alliance may face."

Flexibility for NATO is critical, the Secretary said, for "the threats
we face today and may face tomorrow are less predictable. They could
come from an aggressive regime, a rampaging faction, or a terrorist
group....

"We must prevent and, if necessary, respond to the full spectrum of
threats to Alliance interests and values."

But she also emphasized that "Our Alliance is and must remain a
Euro-Atlantic institution that acts by consensus."

Following is the State Department text, as prepared for delivery:

(begin text)

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
(Independence, Missouri)

Text as Prepared for Delivery

March 12, 1999

Speech by Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
on the Occasion of the Accession of the Czech Republic, Hungary and
Poland
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
at the Truman Presidential Library

Independence, Missouri
March 12, 1999

Thank you Senator Mikulski, for that introduction. And I want to thank
you and your colleagues, Senators Roth and Smith, and Representatives
Skelton, Lantos, and McCarthy for your bipartisan leadership on behalf
of NATO and NATO enlargement. You have helped to make history, because
without your support, we would not be here today.

Minister Kavan, Minister Martonyi, and Minister Geremek; Excellencies
from the diplomatic corps; Admiral Gough; General Anderson and other
leaders of our armed forces; officials of the Truman Library; honored
guests, colleagues,and friends: Today is a day of celebration and
re-dedication; of remembrance and renewal.

Today, we recognize in fact what has always been true in spirit.
Today, we confirm through our actions that the lands of King Stephen
and Cardinal Mindszenty; Charles the Fourth and Vaclav Havel;
Copernicus and Pope John Paul II; reside fully and irrevocably within
the Atlantic community for freedom.

And to that I say, to quote an old Central European expression,
"Hallelujia."

History will record March 12, 1999 as the day the people of Hungary,
the Czech Republic and Poland strode through NATO's open door and
assumed their rightful place in NATO's councils.

To them, I say that President Clinton's pledge is now fulfilled. Never
again will your fates be tossed around like poker chips on a
bargaining table. Whether you are helping to revise the Alliance's
Strategic Concept or engaging in NATO's partnership with Russia, the
promise of "nothing about you without you," is now formalized; you are
truly allies; you are truly home.

This is a cause for celebration not only in Prague, Budapest and
Warsaw, but throughout the Alliance.

For the tightening of trans-Atlantic ties that we mark today inspired
the vision of trans-Atlantic leaders half a century ago.

That generation -- which in Dean Acheson's famous phrase was "present
at the creation" -- emerged from the horror of World War II determined
to make another such war impossible. They had seen, and paid in blood,
the price of division; so their policies were inclusive. They wanted
to help build a trans-Atlantic community of prosperity and peace that
would include all of Europe.

But between the 1947 offering of the Marshall Plan and the forging of
NATO two years later, it became evident that the reality of their
times did not match the boldness of their vision.

The Iron Curtain descended. And across the body of Europe, a brutal
and unnatural division was imposed. Now, due to bravery on both sides,
that curtain has lifted and links that should have been secured long
ago are being soldered together.

Today is evidence of that. For this morning, NATO is joined by three
proud democracies; countries that have proven their ability to meet
Alliance responsibilities, uphold Alliance values, and defend Alliance
interests.

Since the decision to invite new members was first made, President
Clinton has argued that a larger NATO would make America safer, our
Alliance stronger, and Europe more peaceful and united. Today, we see
that this is already the case.

For NATO's new members bring with them many strengths. Their citizens
have a tradition of putting their lives on the line for liberty:
Witness Hungary's courageous freedom fighters in 1956; the students
who faced down tanks in the streets of Prague 12 years later; and the
workers of Gdansk whose movement for Solidarity ushered in Europe's
new dawn.

As young democracies, these countries have been steadfast in
supporting the vision of an integrated Europe. Their troops are
serving alongside NATO forces in Bosnia. And each is contributing to
stability in its own neighborhood.

As a daughter of the region, and a former professor of Central and
East European affairs, I know many Americans have not always had the
understanding of this region they now do.

Earlier this century, when Jan Masaryk -- son of the Czech President
-- came to the United States, an American Senator asked him, "how is
your father? And does he still play the violin?"

Jan replied, "sir, I fear that you are making a small mistake. You are
perhaps thinking of Paderewski and not Masaryk. Paderewski Plays the
piano, not the violin, and was President not of Czechoslovakia, but of
Poland. Of our Presidents, Benes was the only one who played. But he
played neither the violin nor the piano, but football. In all other
respects, our information is correct."

Later, after his father had died and World War II had been fought, Jan
Masaryk became Czechoslovak Foreign Minister -- my father's boss. It
soon became clear that the revival of Czechoslovak democracy and
Czechoslovak aspirations to be part of the West would be short-lived.

Czechoslovakia was also invited to join the Marshall Plan. However,
Foreign Minister Masaryk was summoned to Moscow and told that
Czechoslovakia had to refuse the invitation. He returned to Prague to
tell his colleagues: "I now know I am not the Foreign Minister of a
sovereign country."

Masaryk's statement reminds us of another great gift the Czech
Republic, Poland and Hungary bring to our Alliance for freedom: the
living memory of living without freedom.

NATO's success has enabled generations protected by the Alliance to
grow up and grow old under democratic rule. For that, we are
enormously grateful. But we must also guard against a danger.

For there is a risk that to people who have never known tyranny, an
Alliance forged before they were born, to counter an enemy that no
longer exists, to defend freedoms some believe are no longer
endangered, may appear no more relevant than the fate of Central
Europe did to some of our predecessors 60 years ago.

The Truman Library is a fit place for plain speaking. So let me speak
plainly now. It is the job of each and every one of us, on both sides
of the Atlantic, to bring home to the generations of today and
tomorrow the compelling lessons of this century.

We must never fall back into complacency; or presume that
totalitarianism is forever dead; or retreat in the face of aggression.

We must learn from history, not repeat it. And we must never forget
that the destinies of Europe and North America are inseparable. And
that this is as true now as it was when NATO was founded 50 years ago.

Of course, there will always be differences between Europe and
America. We have been aptly called cousins, but we will never be
mistaken for clones. Today, there are splits on trade and other
issues, some of which are quite controversial. But do not exaggerate,
these are differences within the family.

However, I think I can speak for each of my Alliance colleagues when I
say that, on the central questions that affect the security and safety
of our people, our Alliance is and will remain united -- as it must.

For the hopes of future generations are in our hands. We cannot allow
any issue to undermine our fundamental unity. We must adapt our
Alliance and strengthen our partnerships. We must anticipate and
respond to new dangers. And we must not count on second chances; we
must get it right -- now.

This requires understanding that the more certain we are in preparing
our defense; the more certain we may be of defending our freedom
without war.

NATO is the great proof of that. For its success over five decades is
measured not in battles won, but rather in lives saved, freedoms
preserved and wars prevented. That is why President Truman said that
the creation of NATO was the achievement in which he took the greatest
pride.

Today, we, too, have grounds for pride. For NATO enlargement is a sign
that we have not grown complacent about protecting the security of our
citizens.

The nations entering our Alliance today are the first new members
since the Cold War's end, but they will not be the last. For NATO
enlargement is not an event; it is a process.

It is our common purpose, over time, to do for Europe's east what NATO
has already helped to do for Europe's west. Steadily and
systematically, we will continue erasing -- without replacing -- the
line drawn in Europe by Stalin's bloody boot.

When President Clinton welcomes his counterparts to Washington next
month to mark NATO's fiftieth anniversary, they will affirm that the
door of the Alliance does remain open, and they will announce a plan
to help prepare aspiring members to meet NATO's high standards.

But enlargement is only one element in our effort to prepare NATO for
its second fifty years.

The Washington Summit will be the largest gathering of international
leaders in the history of Washington D.C. It will include
representatives from NATO and its partner countries, 44 in all. And it
will produce a blueprint for NATO in the 21st Century.

Our leaders will, I am confident, agree on the design of an Alliance
that is not only bigger, but also more flexible; an Alliance committed
to collective defense and capable of meeting a wide range of threats
to its common interests; an Alliance working in partnership with other
nations and organizations to advance security, prosperity, and
democracy in and for the entire Euro-Atlantic region.

The centerpiece of the Summit will be the unveiling of a revised
Strategic Concept that will take into account the variety of future
dangers the Alliance may face.

Since 1949, under Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty, the core
mission of our Alliance has been collective defense. That must not and
will not change. NATO is a defensive Alliance, not a global policeman.

But NATO's founders understood that what our Alliance commits us to do
under Article V, is not all we may be called upon to do, or should
reserve the right to do.

Consider, for example, that when French Foreign Minister Robert
Schuman signed the North Atlantic Treaty, he characterized it as
"insurance against all risks...a system of common defense against any
attack, whatever its nature."

During the Cold War, we had no trouble identifying the risks to our
security and territory. But the threats we face today and may face
tomorrow are less predictable. They could come from an aggressive
regime, a rampaging faction, or a terrorist group. And we know that,
if past is prologue, we face a future in which weapons will be more
destructive at longer distances than ever before.

Our Alliance is and must remain a Euro-Atlantic institution that acts
by consensus. We must prevent and, if necessary, respond to the full
spectrum of threats to Alliance interests and values.

And when we respond, it only makes sense to use the unified military
structure and cooperative habits we have developed over the past 50
years. This approach should not be controversial. We've been
practicing it successfully in Bosnia since 1995.

We are also taking steps, as we plan for the Summit, to ensure that
NATO's military forces are designed, equipped, and prepared for 21st
Century missions. And we expect the Summit to produce an initiative
that responds to the grave threat posed by weapons of mass destruction
and their means of delivery.

Clearly, NATO's job is different now than when we faced a single
monolithic adversary across a single heavily-armed frontier. But
NATO's purpose is enduring. It has not changed. It remains to prevent
war and safeguard freedom.

NATO does this not only by deterring, but also by unifying. And let no
one underestimate its value here, as well.

For if NATO can assure peace in Europe, it will contribute much to
stability around the globe.

The history of this century, and many before it, has been marked by
shifting patterns within Europe as empires rose and fell, borders were
drawn and redrawn, and ethnic divisions were exploited by aggressors
and demagogues. Twice this century, conflicts arose which required
American troops to cross the Atlantic and plunge into the cauldron of
world war.

NATO and NATO's partners have closed that book and are authoring a new
one.

In collaboration with regional institutions, we are encouraging the
resolution of old antagonisms, promoting tolerance, ensuring the
protection of minority rights, and helping to realize, for the first
time in history, the dream of a Europe whole and free.

So let us not hesitate to rebut those who would diminish the role of
our Alliance, dispute its value, or downplay the importance of its
unity and preparedness.

For if NATO does not respond to the 21st Century security challenges
facing our region, who will? If NATO cannot prevent aggressors from
engulfing whole chunks of Europe in conflict, who can? And if NATO is
not prepared to respond to the threat posed to our citizens by weapons
of mass destruction, who will have that capability?

The 20th Century has been the bloodiest and most destructive in human
history, and despite the Cold War's end, many threats remain. But we
have learned some hard lessons from this history of conflict, and
those lessons underlie all our planning for the Washington Summit.

We know that when the democracies of America and Europe are divided,
crevices are created through which forces of evil and aggression may
emerge. And that when we stand together, no force on Earth is more
powerful than our solidarity on behalf of freedom.

That is why NATO is focused not only on welcoming new members, but
also on strengthening its valuable partnerships with Russia, Ukraine
and Europe's other democracies. Their inclusion and full participation
in the trans-Atlantic community is essential to the future we seek.
For NATO's purpose is not to build new walls, but rather to tear old
walls down.

Five years ago, while serving as U.S. Permanent Representative to the
UN, I traveled with General Shalikashvili to Central and Eastern
Europe to outline President Clinton's plan for a Partnership for
Peace.

That concept continues to deepen and pay dividends for countries
whether or not they aspire to NATO membership. Today, former
adversaries are talking to each other, training with each other,
carrying out missions together, and planning together for the future.
By fostering that process, we prevent potentially dangerous
misunderstandings, address present problems, and lay a solid
foundation for future cooperation.

We also remind ourselves, that although NATO stands tall, it does not
stand alone.

The EU, OSCE and NATO and its partners form the core of a broader
system for protecting vital interests and promoting shared values.

We learned in Bosnia earlier this decade how vital such a system is.
We face a test of that system now in Kosovo, and we welcome Russian
Foreign Minister Ivanov's efforts in Belgrade today to help achieve
our common goal.

There, together, we have backed diplomacy with tools ranging from
humanitarian relief to OSCE verifiers to the threatened use of NATO
force. Together, we have hammered out an interim political settlement
that meets the needs and respects the rights of all concerned.

When talks resume next week, we must be firm in securing this
agreement. We must be clear in explaining that a settlement without
NATO-led enforcement is not acceptable because only NATO has the
credibility and capability to make it work. And we must be resolute in
spelling out the consequences of intransigence.

To those abroad and in my own country who have raised doubts, I reply
that the plan we and our partners have developed is not risk-free. But
we prefer that risk to the certainty that inaction would lead to a
renewed cycle of repression and retaliation, bloodletting and ethnic
cleansing. The path we have chosen for our Alliance in Kosovo is not
easy; but it is right. It serves NATO interests, and it upholds the
values our Alliance was created to defend.

Today, as NATO embarks upon a new era, our energy and vision are
directed to the future. But we are mindful, as well, of the past.

For as we welcome three new members, we have a debt we cannot fail to
acknowledge.

In this room today are Ambassadors and Foreign Ministers, Generals and
Members of Congress. In this room, there is great pride and good
reason for it. But let us never forget upon whose shoulders we stand.

We pay homage to our predecessors and to the millions of soldiers and
sailors, aviators, and diplomats who throughout the past half century
have kept NATO vigilant and strong.

We pay homage, as well, to those who fought for freedom on the far
side of freedom's curtain. For the Berlin Wall would be standing
today; the Fulda Gap would divide Europe today; the Warsaw Pact would
remain our adversary today; if those who were denied liberty for so
long, had not struggled so bravely for their rights.

Let us never forget that freedom has its price.

And let us never fail to remember how our Alliance came together; what
it stands for; and why it has prevailed.

Upon the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty, President Harry Truman
referred to the creation of NATO as a "neighborly act."

"We are like a group of householders," he said, "who...express their
community of interests by entering into a[n]...association for their
mutual self-protection."

At the same time, Canadian Secretary of State Lester Pearson said,
"The North Atlantic community is part of the world community and as we
grow stronger to preserve the peace, all free men [and women] grow
stronger with us."

Prime Minister Spaak of Belgium added, "The new [NATO] pact is purely
defensive; it threatens no one; it should therefore disturb no one;
[except those] who might foster the criminal idea of having recourse
to war."

Though all the world has changed since these statements were made, the
verities they express have not.

Our Alliance still is bound together by a community of interests.

Our strength still is a source of strength to those everywhere who
labor for freedom and peace.

Our power still shields those who love the law and still threatens
none except those who would threaten others with aggression and harm.

Our Alliance endures because the principles it defends are timeless
and because they reflect the deepest aspirations of the human spirit.

It is our mission now, working across the Atlantic, to carry on the
traditions of our Alliance and prepare NATO for the 21st Century. To
that end, we take a giant step today. And we look forward with
confidence and determination to the historic Summit in Washington and
further progress tomorrow.

Thank you very much.

(end text)

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