
29 October 1997
(Budget Committee chairman concerned over burden-sharing) (980) Washington -- Senator Pete Domenici, the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, voiced doubts October 29 about whether the European members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will be willing to pay their share of the costs of adding Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic to the Alliance. "I am very concerned about burden-sharing," Domenici said at the end of a Budget Committee hearing on NATO enlargement and the implications for the European Monetary Union. Similar views were expressed by other members of the committee. James Baker, secretary of state under President Bush and secretary of the treasury under President Reagan, also testifying at the hearing, suggested that while the United States should "press our European allies on burden-sharing," the Senate should not put so much emphasis on the issue that an opportunity of truly historic proportions would be lost. Following is text of Sen. Domenici's opening statement at the Budget Committee hearing: (begin text) I want to welcome everyone to the third and final hearing looking at economic and security developments in Europe. The subject of today's hearing -- NATO enlargement and European Union expansion -- is of particular interest to this Committee. First, the Senate early next year will vote on the ratification of NATO enlargement. The debate is just beginning, and I believe our Committee hearings are providing a different perspective to the many questions about the U.S. and Western European roles in Eastern Europe. Second, I am convinced that monetary union in Europe is a means to accomplish a larger goal -- European Union expansion. As we begin the ratification process, we must recognize that NATO enlargement, EU expansion and monetary union are inextricably linked. The combined effect of these events on European and U.S. fiscal policy, global portfolio flows, and national monetary policy has brought us to a complicated intersection of economics and foreign policy that we are seeing more often in the post Cold War world. These hearings have raised several questions that I hope can be addressed today. As the Cold War becomes a part of history, what is now the purpose of the NATO alliance? With NATO inviting three new members -- the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland -- into the Alliance, we are witnessing a major event in the histories of these former Warsaw Pact countries. I was impressed by Hungarian Ambassador Banlaki's comments about his country's views on NATO. He said, "We would like to be able to choose our own allies. We would like to enjoy all those things that history has denied us." We cannot ignore that it was the presence of a U.S.-led NATO that provided the security for European Union. But these are new times. We have Europe uniting beyond its original trade alliance to become a monetary union. Meanwhile, the EU does not appear to be the political union that seems necessary for today's challenges such as the conflict in Bosnia. We have had CBO (Congressional Budget Office), GAO (Government Accounting Office), and the Administration come informally to this Committee's staff and explain their estimates of the costs of NATO expansion. While they vary some, none seem startling when compared to the overall levels of defense spending. Which leads to the main reason for this hearing. Absent from the much quoted cost estimates is an answer to the important question -- Where do NATO's responsibilities end? The debate is not purely what are the costs of NATO upgrading the militaries of the new members, but what are the threats, what commitment is the United States making to an expanded NATO, and how will we as the Congress respond? We have another significant foreign policy debate next year, the June 1998 exit date for U.S. troops in Bosnia. This Congress' reluctance to keep troops in Bosnia is relevant to the debate on ratifying a treaty on to greater commitments in Eastern Europe. One argument we hear from those in favor of NATO expansion is that with no Soviet threat, eastern and western Europe's stability are increasingly dependent, and U.S. leadership is necessary to help Europe deal with these types of "Bosnia" problems in the future. Could EU expansion be a better instrument for integrating the Eastern European democracies into the West and provide political stability? With the economic criteria for EU admittance so strict, is NATO membership being used as a short-term entry into "Europe?" It is much easier to enter a military alliance with the West than an economic union. While the Clinton administration expects new NATO members to pay about half the cost of the military modernization and buildup needed, the Czechs, Hungarians and Poles are working hard to get their economies in shape for EU membership negotiations early next year. I realize I have not even mentioned Russia and the many possible implications NATO expansion could have on the U.S.-Russia relationship. I know our witnesses will address this. We have two distinguished witnesses to help us address these questions and open the debate today. Our first witness is not a stranger to this Committee and this hearing room. Secretary Baker was the 61st Secretary of State under President Bush and Secretary of the Treasury under President Ronald Reagan. On March 17, 1997, Secretary Baker was named Personal Envoy to United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan to help settle the conflict in Western Sahara. We welcome you back to the Senate, Secretary Baker. Following Secretary Baker, we will hear from Ms. Susan Eisenhower. Ms. Eisenhower is president of The Eisenhower Group, an international consulting firm. In 1991, Ms. Eisenhower founded and chairs the Center for Political and Strategic Studies, a non-profit institute focused on increasing understanding of events taking place in the global environment, especially in the areas of nuclear disarmament and proliferation, ethnic studies, environmental analysis, and NATO expansion. I want to again thank the witnesses for being here today. (End text)
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