News



NATO:  SOLANA MOSCOW TALKS; FRANCO-GERMAN 'ACCORD'
                                    

(Foreign Media Reaction Daily Digest - 29 Jan 97)



NATO Secretary General Solana's talks in Moscow Jan. 20

with Russian Foreign Minister Primakov, the beginning of a

new round of negotiations over NATO's plans for

enlargement, were widely seen in the media abroad as

yielding little or no progress.  "The parties retained

their old positions," concluded Chisinau's opposition Tara. 

"That means NATO will continue  the expansion and Russia

will continue to oppose it."  Commentators were not

disappointed, however.  Some assumed that the real

bargaining eventually will take place between Washington

and Moscow, others judged that the discussions revealed a

"factional split in the Russian Ministry of Foreign

Affairs" over enlargement, and a few in Central Europe were

relieved that there was no decision made on what Polish

national TV Channel 2 called "the question...about the

range of the  Russian veto."  Centrist Rzeczpospolita of

Warsaw insisted, "Worse news would have been that of an

agreement...which would entail a threat to tailor the shape

of our membership according to Moscow's needs."  The

Russian press mirrored the reported "split" in the

government, with dailies arguing whether it would be better

to work with NATO, join it or resist enlargement.  They

offered conflicting advice even when agreeing that Russia

should secure a special charter with the Alliance. 

"There's no rush," held reformist weekly Obshchaya Gazeta. 

"Russia has made no commitments to sign a treaty in time

for the NATO summit in Madrid."  Reformist Izvestia

countered that Russia should hurry up and profit from

NATO's offers, since it needs "an early agreement more than

the other side does."  Journalists recalled that, just a

few weeks before the Solana-Primakov session, Russia

brandished the prospect of reuniting with Belarus and

advancing its frontier westward as a counter to a larger

NATO.  As other Russian papers did, reformist, youth

Moskovskiy Komsomolets endorsed this move, declaring that

association with Belarus is "perhaps the most formidable

weapon in Russia's political arsenal.  It is a sure way to

wring serious concessions from the West."  Observers in

other countries acknowledged that, in the words of right-

of-center Die Welt of  Berlin,  a Russia-Belarus union

would "change the security situation," but in ways that

might not please Moscow, since it would make "enlargement

inevitable, to reassure...NATO  countries...at the

periphery of NATO."



Western European analysts were also fascinated by

revelations in Paris's left-of-center Le Monde that France

and Germany have reached a "strategic policy" accord that

allegedly includes Paris's sharing its nuclear arsenal with

Bonn.  But on France Inter radio, former French Socialist

Defense Minister Jean-Pierre Chevenement dismissed claims

that this accord would create "a Franco-German defense

structure...with the dual patronage  of Europe and NATO." 

France, he said, has simply given up on its demands for a

European to head the Alliance's Southern Command, and

"signed a 'strategic policy' with Germany  which is not a

policy and shows no strategy....  The only strategy

mentioned  is that our forces will be at the disposal of

NATO."  Centrist Sueddeutsche Zeitung of  Munich echoed

this assessment, maintaining that "there can be no special

Franco-German path in nuclear matters" and that the

objective of any Franco-German "dialogue" must be "to link

the French nuclear power with the Alliance."

This survey is based on 65 reports from 16 countries, Jan.

14-Feb. 2.

EDITOR:  Mildred Sola Neely



                                 EUROPE

                                    

RUSSIA:   "Solana's Style"



Alexander Golts said in weekly magazine Itogi (1/28),

"There are grounds to fear that the style of the present

secretary general threatens to stall the negotiations

between Russia and NATO.  His flexibility and a tendency to

avoid open debate may mislead his Russian interlocutors

into thinking that they could wrest more favorable terms by

applying a little more pressure.  Yet even in the unlikely

case that Moscow will prevail upon the NATO secretary

general (who has some sympathy for Russia), it doesn't

follow that the NATO states--which have the final say--will

agree with him. The paradox is that Russia would be better

off with a tougher opponent. A person capable not only of

finding an elegant compromise but of convincing the leaders

of NATO countries that this is the only possible formula."



"Cold War Still On" 



Under this headline, reformist, business weekly VEK (# 2,

1/24) published a comment by Vladimir Prikhvatilov and Oleg

Solodukhin: "Moscow's firm stand on NATO expansion probably

means that it has abandoned starry-eyed liberal-democratic

hopes for U.S. and other foreign aid, realizing that the

West's traditionally tough policy for Russia has not

changed.  The leaders of the 'free world' have been viewing

this country as a historical rival and will never do

anything to make it stronger.  It is a fact that the

Western community has always sought, through a conscious

and concerted action, to weaken Russia's positions

practically everywhere....  In continuing the Cold War

against Russia, the West has often rudely interfered in her

internal affairs.  The damage caused to the Russian economy

by the notorious financial stabilization, carried out as

suggested by Western experts, is comparable to a defeat in

a large-scale war." 



"Russia Wants Say In NATO" 



Vladimir Razuvayev stated in centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta

(1/24): "'Atlanticists' and those who have grudgingly

resigned themselves to the idea of NATO expansion, as a

decided matter, clearly prevail in the Russian media.  The

best known TV personalities are among them.  Funny, their

views again greatly differ from public opinion.  Official
Moscow, however, remains adamant, insisting that it will

not stop being wary of NATO until it has a say in this

Alliance." 



"Russia Seeks Compensation" 



Leonid Velekhov, commenting in reformist Segodnya (1/23) on

the atmosphere of secrecy which surrounded the recent

Primakov-Solana meeting near Moscow, said: "Scant

information and observers' skepticism regarding Russia's

chances of getting compensation for NATO's apparently

inevitable enlargement are only natural.  You cannot blame

the Russian Foreign Ministry for hating to see its

performance criticized." 



"Russia Needs Legally Binding Treaty" 



Alexander Nizhegorodtsev held in reformist weekly Obshchaya

Gazeta (# 3, 1/23): "Of course, a legal document requires

ratification by the national parliaments of NATO member-

nations, which takes a lot of time.  The Atlanticists are

right about that.  So what?  There's no rush.  Russia has

made no commitments to sign a treaty in time for the NATO

summit in Madrid.  We are after quality, not speed.  Even

without any treaty with NATO, Russia will not cease to be a

factor of European security.  A hastily drafted,

declarative document, while creating the illusion of our

being involved in deciding Europe's future, will in fact be

a mere 'paper curtain' which can divide countries and

continents as effectively as an 'iron' one." 









"Europe Unable To Build Own Security Base" 



Duma deputy Vladimir Averchev pointed out in reformist

writers' weekly Literaturnaya Gazeta (# 3, 1/23): "We

invite politicians in Europe and North America to build a

strategic bridge between Russia and NATO symmetrical to the

one built across the Atlantic over 50 years ago....  One of

the greatest disappointments of the last decade is that

Europe has been unable to create a security basis of its

own within the transatlantic community, as symbolized by

its fiasco in the former Yugoslavia, where restoring peace

took a lot of strenuous effort by U.S. diplomacy.  France

is going back to NATO's military organization to try again

to help Europe take good care of its own security.  Having

Russia as a full partner along with the United States and

Canada is the shortest way to that goal." 



"Moscow Eager For Dialogue" 



Maxim Yusin reported in reformist Izvestia (1/22) about the

recent Primakov-Solana talks: "It looked as if Moscow was

now interested in a dialogue no less than the guests from

Brussels....  Anyway, Russian leaders must realize that

they need an early agreement more than the other side

does." 



"Moscow Must Give Up Ambition" 



Andrei Medin stated in reformist Vechernyaya Moskva (1/22):

"Moscow still has time to reach an honorable agreement with

Brussels.  To do that, it must give up its imperial

ambition and be ready for compromise." 



"Military Alliance With Belarus Is Answer" 



Alexei Zverev held in reformist, youth Moskovskiy

Komsomolets (1/22): "A real military-political association

with Belarus is perhaps the most formidable weapon in

Russia's political arsenal.  It is a sure way to wring

serious concessions from the West.  All Javier Solana has

offered us so far is a review of several treaties, a

continued nuclear disarmament, more investments, and a

'formal agreement' on 'stable and long-term relations'.... 

All that is nothing compared to the strategic advantages

the proposed expansion will give NATO." 



"Make Hay While The Sun Shines" 



Maxim Yusin stated in reformist Izvestia (1/18): "Javier

Solana and his aides are well disposed to Russia.  Now,

before their attitude changes and NATO expands, Moscow has

a great chance to secure a good agreement with this

Alliance....  Russia, more than the other side, must be

interested in intensifying the talks, since so far, it has

only had to deal with 16 Western nations.  As shown by the

past few years, finding common ground with former potential

enemies is a good deal easier than with former Communist

brothers." 



"Some Think Feud Shortest Way To Security" 



Vladimir Abarinov of reformist Segodnya (1/18) observed:

"On the one hand, it is clear that NATO will expand, and

Moscow must do something to get out of this predicament,

before it is too late.  People here cannot but see that, a

war danger from the West, unlike its real and reliable

initiatives, is propaganda.  On the other hand, many

politicians in Russia, given to perverted surreal notions,

believe confrontation is the shortest way to security."



"Quality Better Than Speed" 



Centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta (1/21) front-paged this piece

by Yulia Petrovskaya and Dmitry 





Gornostayev: "Evidently, Russia should not hurry when it

comes to a final draft treaty with NATO.  The quality of

the talks is more important than their speed.  Not only

Russia's future but Europe's security depends on their

outcome.  The proposed treaty, not enlarged NATO or the

OSCE, may provide a basis for international relations in

Europe."



"Clear Choice For True Russian Patriot, Although West

Frowns On Idea" 



Duma Deputy Boris Fyodorov stated on page one of reformist

Rossiyskiye Vesti (1/15): "Steps toward reunification with

Belarus will clearly cause acute displeasure among certain

forces in the West.  They fear a strong Russia in a way

that is irrational and strictly genetic.  Hence feverish

attempts to expand NATO eastward to deter Russia (who

else?).  Only the blind cannot see the danger of those

preparations.  It is more proof that reunification with

Belarus is the only right choice.  We cannot let this

historic chance be wasted.  It is clear to any true Russian

patriot." 



"Who Is Russia?  Partner Or Enemy?" 



Reformist Izvestia (1/15) ran this comment by Maxim Yusin:

"The advocates of Russia-Belarus reunification present it

as a response to NATO enlargement, as an 'adequate

reaction' to the West's 'hostile intrigues.'  But why do

our politicians think confrontation with NATO inevitable? 

Is the West going to attack us?  Isn't it from the West

that we've been asking (and receiving) economic aid?  Isn't

it the West which, in a most delicate way, has been

treating our problems, vacillations, ill- conceived moves,

and even absurdities like the Chechen war?  The proposed

alliance with Belarus, as anti-West scare tactics, can only

lead to Yeltsin finally convincing 'friend Bill,' 'friend

Helmut,' and 'friend Chirac'...that Russia is no partner

but a potential enemy." 

"NATO's Expansion: Key Issue" 



Viktor Kuvaldin of the Gorbachev Foundation mused in

centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta (1/14): "For years to come,

NATO's expansion will remain a prevalent foreign policy

subject, its importance, remarkably, underestimated and

overestimated by the Russian political elite, all at the

same time.  It is being overestimated because admitting new

members to NATO is unlikely to change Russia's geopolitical

position.  It is being underestimated because we are

talking here of making a strategic choice, a choice of our

future....  Let's face it, NATO is the only viable security

structure in Europe....  None of the post-Soviet nations,

Russia included, has firm international security

guarantees....  The West needs immediately to start

negotiations on gradually integrating Russia into NATO with

a view to creating comprehensive European security systems,

with NATO's expansion suspended." 



GERMANY:  "No German Finger On The Trigger" 



Ruediger Moniac noted in an editorial in right-of-center

Die Welt of Berlin (1/29), "The discussion about an

allegedly secret agreement between Bonn and  Paris...is

entering a dimension that is distorting and inappropriate

in  reality....  We can only second the view of CDU foreign

policy spokesman Karl Lamers who said that the question of

a German finger on the 'nuclear  trigger' does not even

come to the fore.  It has always been difficult in  German

circles to discuss the rationality of the tasks of nuclear

weapons  as part of a political-military means to preserve

peace....  If the European Union is to develop  into a

security community that is able to act, considerations

about the  inclusion of a nuclear component in available

military potentials...are  inevitable.  But this does not

mean that Germany is automatically a nuclear  power.  Logic

should tell critics that Germany would then also have  been

a nuclear power in the framework of NATO." 











"Shhhh!"



Paris correspondent Bodo Morawe said in a commentary on 

regional radio Hessischer Rundfunk of Frankfurt (1/28):

"Why is there no public debate about the Franco-German

strategy  paper?...  The core problems behind  the formula

compromises, Paris's special role (in NATO), the German 

increase in power, and a European nuclear strategy are

politically so  explosive that every public discussion

would bring to the fore the 'arriere pensees' in Bonn and

Paris.  But nobody is prepared for this,  since it is

likely that it would result in a political nuclear fission

in  Europe." 



"Only Within NATO"



Kurt Kister noted in an editorial in centrist Sueddeutsche

Zeitung of  Munich (1/28), "There can be no special Franco-

German path in nuclear  matters, even though it is

embellished with the phrase of a  European 'defense

identity.'  In the interest of NATO, which will be

Germany's  security policy home in the future, too, it must

be the aim of the announced  dialogue to link the French

nuclear power with the Alliance.  If the Bonn  government,

with its special relations with France, wants to play the 

mediator among the French, the Americans and the bodies in

Brussels,  then this will be a reasonable, future-oriented

defense policy. 



"A Franco-German entente nucleaire would certainly promote

French  interests.  As far as politics is concerned, it

could open up new  possibilities for a seesaw policy

between a grand alliance with NATO and  a small alliance

with Germany.  For the Bonn government, however, this 

would harbor not only the risk of increasing alienation

from Washington.   In addition...this would also be a great

step to establish a secret  nuclear power in Germany." 



"Unspectacular" 



Regional radio Bayerischer Rundfunk of Munich (1/27) aired

these comments: "How useful will this Franco-German paper

be in view of the fact  that President Chirac embarrassed

the German partner several times  before?...  In the

strategy paper, both countries commit themselves to

creating  a European defense identity but also to an equal

engagement in NATO.   Originally, France pursued the idea

of an independent European defense without the Americans,

but France did not find a partner.  Now this aim  is to be

achieved within NATO in an alliance with the Americans, but

this  goal is still far away and evidence of this is the

term 'defense identity,' which circumvents clear fixations. 

The statements regarding  the French nuclear weapons are

totally unspectacular.  (Both sides) want  a dialogue about

the role of these weapons in the context of a European 

defense planning.  The statement could be hardly more non-

committal.   Neither the Bonn government wants a second key

for these weapons nor is  the Paris government even

thinking about such a possibility....  More  important than

papers is Franco-German cooperation in practice.  Soldiers 

of both sides are currently cooperating in Bosnia.  The

joint mission in  Bosnia serves as a test run for future

cases.  The significance of this  cooperation is much

greater than all declarations--even if they are  signed at

the top level." 

"Re-Integration' Of CIS Would Have Consequences For NATO"



Lothar Ruehl reacted in an editorial in right-of-center Die

Welt of  Berlin (1/23) to the prospect of a Russia-Belarus

merger:  "(These developments) could prompt the government

in Bucharest to  accede to the Alliance and in this context

a Russian  reintegration'  policy...would play a decisive

role....  Such a development would also raise the question

of the future of  the Baltic states.  There is no doubt

that Belarus's merger with Russia  even without a military

integration would prompt the three Baltic states  to knock

at NATO's doors in Brussels--and it would be much more 

difficult than in the past for the Alliance to reject their

wish to  accede. 







"There are still good reasons to stop NATO's enlargement at

the eastern borders of Poland and Hungary.  But a real

union between Moscow  and Minsk would strongly change the

security situation, making a further enlargement inevitable

to reassure the remaining Western NATO  countries that are

situated at the periphery of NATO."



"Everything Will Depend On Understanding Between U.S.,

Russia"



Werner Adam noted in an editorial in right-of-center 

Frankfurter Allgemeine (1/21), "The beginning of talks

between NATO's Secretary General Solana  with Russia's

Foreign Minister Primakov, therefore, is hardly more than 

the beginning of a protracted process in which everything

will, in the  end depend on an understanding between

Washington and Moscow." 



"Solana's Task:  Squaring The Circle"



Jens Dorner judged in an editorial in right-of-center

Bonner  Rundschau (1/21), "NATO, under these 

circumstances, will not create a new consensus in Moscow in

the coming  months but instead it will be blamed for

everything that goes wrong.  It  is also certain that it

will even be impossible for Javier Solana to  square the

circle....  Like in geometry, the planned security

partnership  with Moscow will at best turn out to be a

miscreation.  However, this  could be tolerated if the

common core in the European search for peace is 

maintained." 



"Fine, But..."



According to centrist Der Tagesspiegel of Berlin (1/21),

"We could expect everything from NATO's Secretary General

Solana except that he would return from Moscow with a clear

result....  The  ex-foreign minister of Spain...seems to

have survived the first stage of  a difficult trip in a

favorable condition.  However, the situation can  quickly

change.  This will be true in particular if the leadership

crisis  in Moscow expands to a noisy war of succession.  At

the latest at that  time, the concept NATO considers a

draft for foreign policy stability could turn into a

poisonous bone of contention." 



"Russian Blackmail" 



Werner Adam judged in an editorial in right-of-center

Frankfurter Allgemeine (1/14), "This cannot be a

coincidence.  A few days before the negotiations  between

NATO Secretary General Solana and Russia's Foreign Minister

Primakov,  Moscow...announced plans for a merger between

Russia and Belarus.  The  fact that Boris Yeltsin, who is

bedridden, has nothing more important to  do than to

suggest a referendum on the formation of a uniform

state...is nurturing the assumption that there is a link to

NATO's plans.  It is  true that Russian forces patrol along

the Belarussian border, but if a  merger took place,

Greater Russia would border on the Polish accession 

candidate and on Lithuania that has turned into an obstacle

on the path  to the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad.  From a

NATO angle this is a strategy of blackmail....  When will

the Alliance finally admit this?" 



BRITAIN:  "Is Russia Ready To Leave Its Lair?" 



An editorial in the independent weekly Economist held

(1/24): "Since there can be no going back--to abandon long-

standing promises because of a Russian tantrum would bust

the Alliance--NATO's enlargement will start, as planned,

after a special summit in July....  But, if enlarging NATO

is to add to Europe's security, rather than diminish it,

Russia's legitimate concerns need to be addressed....



"If Russia is ready to strike a deal, there is plenty on

offer....  If the Russian bear chooses to be friendly, all

of Europe could enjoy the partnership.  In the end, though,

whether or not Europe 





slips back into old rivalries depends on how Russia now

reacts....  But is Russia ready to leave its lair?" 



"NATO Enlargement Out Of Kilter With EU's" 



The independent Financial Times suggested in an op-ed

commentary by columnist Ian Davidson (1/22), "NATO

enlargement has now become an unstoppable commitment which

will be translated into practice in July.  Unfortunately,

enlargement may cause plenty of trouble without doing any

good....  It could jeopardize the West's strategic

relationship with Russia....  If NATO enlargement is

unavoidable, there might be fewer problems if it proceeded

gradually, in parallel with the eastward expansion of the

European Union.  In that case NATO could play a quieter

role and the whole process of uniting Europe could be made

to seem more peaceful. 



"In fact, the reverse is happening.  NATO enlargement is

getting out of kilter with the timing of the eastward

enlargement of the EU.... What this means is that for at

least the next five years, and probably longer, the main

burden of uniting Europe will fall on the NATO military

alliance."



FRANCE:  "European Defense:  A Mirage"



Former French Ambassador Gabriel Robin groused in right-of-

center Le Figaro  (1/29): "Since our Allies refuse to

abandon  their position, France will abandon hers....  One

thing is certain:  The  defense of Europe will not be in

the hands of a 'European defense.' It  will be in the hands

of Washington....  Europe will only get the left-over 

crumbs....  There are appearances and illusions:  The

proposed deputy posts  in the NATO hierarchy are for

appearance's sake; the illusion is that  these posts will

evolve into major positions....  To understand what the

'European defense' will look like, ask Yugoslavia:  It is a

sharing in  which Europe gets the rough end of war and the

United States gets credit for the  Dayton accords....  You

start out wearing the 'European defense' uniform and  end

up wearing the Alliance's servant's togs."



"Cooperation"



Daniel Vernet said in left-of-center Le Monde (1/25):

"Jacques Chirac and  Helmut Kohl share the same view of

NATO's enlargement, which they  consider to be inevitable,

as well as necessary, and of the redefinition  of relations

with Russia, which they do not want to 'isolate.'  Kohl 

supports France's position on NATO reforms, including the

Southern Command....  The signing of the 'strategic

concept' may have more symbolic  than real repercussions,

but if its principles are applied quickly, a  Franco-German

defense structure should emerge...with the dual patronage 

of Europe and NATO....  By underscoring their joint

approach, Chirac and  Kohl prove one thing: In spite of

differences...between Bonn and Paris, there is no solution

for them except cooperation."  



"France Gives Up On Its Independent Defense Policy"



Former Socialist French Minister Jean-Pierre Chevenement

commented on France Inter  radio (1/27): "Through Mr. de

Charette, France has given up on the Southern Command...and

we have signed a `strategic policy' with Germany  which is

not a policy and shows no strategy....  The only strategy

mentioned  is that our forces will be at the disposal of

NATO....  In essence, we align  ourselves with Germany,

under pretext of building a counterweight to the United

States, when Germany in fact is aligned with the United

States."



"France-U.S.: The Counterweight"



Hubert Vedrine maintained in right-of-center weekly Le

Point (1/25): "There is today, in the tone  of voice used

by American officials and the media...a desire to show who

is in command and to 





put France  back in its place....  How then to remain a

friend and ally of such an  overpowering nation, without

having to always agree? How to preserve  France's autonomy

and its plan for Europe?...  The answer is to use Europe as

a counterweight.  But this works only when  our partners

feel commercially threatened and when they are sure it is 

not a French anti-American crusade....  France's main task

is to convince  its European partners, and the Americans as

well, that a strong Europe,  allied with the United States,

would make transatlantic relations healthier and  would be

a security asset for peace." 



"NATO:  France Looking To Get Out From Under"



Baudoin Bollaert wrote in right-of-center Le Figaro (1/24):

"In order to come  out of its isolation, France has

softened its position on the Southern Command, while

remaining firm on its principles.... The daggers are being 

put away....  France has no choice, faced as it is by the

U.S. position....  At  the same time, France has arguments

to defend the role it wants to play  within the

Alliance....  In asking whether the Alliance can do without 

France's potential, France wants to remind (the United

States) that it can bring  NATO value-added assets when

military budgets are being reduced by all.  But France will

have to play with more finesse than it has in the past." 



"The Sound Of Grinding Teeth" 



In the opinion of Josette Alia under the headline above in

left-of-center weekly Le Nouvel Observateur (1/23):  "On

NATO, France is caught between its fear of seeing Russia 

humiliated by the United States, with a risk of a return to

the Cold War, and its  fear of the United States' granting

too many concessions to Russia and later treating the EU as

a second-class citizen. The problem is to carry  sufficient

weight in the game being played out between Washington and 

Moscow....  One can see that beyond these Franco-American

quarrels, what is  at stake is the future of U.S. relations

with Europe....  In a world which  is neither bipolar nor

multipolar, the United States stands alone. It is in its 

interest for Europe to be an autonomous and solid partner.

Unless it  prefers giving in to the dangers of hegemony. We

will know on July 8." 



"Disagreement In Moscow Over NATO"



Left-of-center Le Monde pointed out in a piece by Sophie

Shihab (1/22): "Russia's embarrassment  at being faced with

NATO's enlargement was apparent on Monday: The  partially

state-controlled television stations, which never fail to 

criticize NATO's arrogance, made a surprising turnabout and

criticized  the Kremlin's rigid attitude towards NATO,

saying it might lead to  Russia's weakened isolation.... 

What is certain is that dissension exists  in Moscow about

how to deal with NATO....  In the past few days, several 

leaders of the independent states have put on the pressure

with public  pro-NATO statements."



ITALY:  "NATO Expansion A Nightmare For Moscow"



A commentary by Aldo Rizzo ran in  centrist La Stampa

(1/20): "The possible revival of a serious clash with 

Russia on NATO expansion is a danger for America and

Europe, but even  more so for Russia, whomever its leader,

since that would mark the end of  a difficult, but vital,

economic cooperation with the West, not to  mention the

possibility of a new strategic game, of which nobody in 

Moscow, from the left or the right, could afford to bear

the cost (the  alternative of an anti-Western alliance with

China is purely tactical and  has no concrete meaning).  As

for the advantages for Russia, if the  latter accepts a

realistic and more than dignified agreement with the  West

following the end of the tragic Communist utopia, it would

get in  exchange permanent inclusion in a politico-

strategic economic system  which still appears to be the

winning one despite its many difficulties.   What will be

Russia's choice?  And who will be deciding?...







"The problem  for the West is that it is not certain that

rationality will prevail in  Moscow, which remains the

second nuclear capital and has a huge  geopolitical weight. 

Yet the West cannot give up too much following its victory

in the Cold War." 



AZERBAIJAN:  "Solana's Visit Revealed Split In Russia's

Foreign Ministry" 



Under the pen name "Nurani," Tofiqa Qasimova said in

independent Ayna/Zerkalo (1/25): "It  looks as if Russia

will not be able to prevent NATO expansion.  But it is 

also possible that 'in exchange' for NATO expansion, the

West will make  some concessions to Russia in the arms

control issue, specifically in  flank agreements.  However,

Solana's visit revealed certain realities of  Russian

politics which may have far-reaching consequences.   



"It looks as if Solana's visit to Moscow, besides

everything else,  deepened the factional split in the

Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.  The future of Russian

foreign policy depends on which faction's position  wins on

Smolensk Square: Will Moscow embark on a risky political 

controversy with the West, using the support of those whom

Kozyrev once  called 'political riff-raff,' or will it

accept the terms of the West and  become a 'buffer zone'

between Brussels on the one hand and Tehran and  Baghdad on

the other?  Neither of the alternatives is 100 percent

favorable to  Moscow." 



BELARUS:   "What Brought NATO's Secretary General To

Moscow?" 



Mikhail Shimanskiy wrote under the headline above in

government Respublika (1/22): "The North  Atlantic Alliance

attempts to lay out its relationship with Russia.  The 

NATO secretary general's trip is regarded in the West as

the beginning of  the most compex diplomatic missions of

postwar times, as here we are  talking about the security

model for Europe and not to take Russia into account  in

this respect will be tactless as well as strategically

wrong....  Moscow  is still strongly opposed to the

expansion of NATO.  However, it says  that it's ready for

cooperation with NATO on the basis of equality.  Just  how

it is going to cooperate is not clear.  It is obvious that

the  amorphous relationship within the '16+1' framework

which leaves Russia  without vote will not suit her."   



BELGIUM:   "Sharing 'Force De Frappe'"



Regarding the revelations on French-German military

cooperation by Le Monde on Saturday, foreign affairs writer

Frans De Smet said in independent Catholic Het Nieuwsblad

(1/27):  "This is the first time that the French view the

Germans as equal partners in the field of defense

matters....  The common defense should yield better control

of costs....  The sharing of the French nuclear weapons

with Bonn in the framework of the 'common defense' is not

mentioned in that many words in the new French-German

treaty.  But Chirac and Kohl are promising a 'dialogue on

the role of a nuclear deterrence force in the framework of

a European defense policy.'  By this they mean, of course,

the French nuclear weapons--possibly complemented by the

British (nuclear arms)--which would be made available to

the Western European Union."



"NATO Enlargement:  Possible And Desired"  



Independent De Morgen (1/15) included an op-ed column by

Foreign Minister Erik Derycke:  "As far as its future

cooperation with Russia is concerned, NATO should show

creativity and imagination for all issues--except for

Article V (defense of the territory).  I can imagine, under

certain circumstances, Russia sitting at the table with the

16 NATO members as an equal partner with discretionary

power.  In my view, this should be possible when peace

operations are discussed in which Russia is

participating....  I wish to emphasize that all the current

members states must be fully involved in the conception of

the new NATO-Russia relationship and that it must not

become a matter of negotiations between the 'bigger'

(members) and Moscow.... 





"NATO enlargement through consensus is not only possible

but it is also highly desirable.  As a matter of fact, we

have to avoid Russia clinging to its nuclear weapons to

compensate for conventional 'inferiority.'  Several leaders

in Moscow have already threatened this.  Russia must

realize that its credibility is not served by not ratifying

START II, for instance....  It is up to NATO to make

Russia's--unjustified--feeling of insecurity as small as

possible." 



BULGARIA:  "NATO Expands Eastward, Russia Expands Westward"





Under the headline above, ruling Socialist Party Duma

(1/15) observed, "The Kremlin found  an adequate response

to NATO's strategy for territorial expansion.  If the 

Alliance plans to expand eastward, then Russia will expand

westward....  It is obvious that this step will be followed 

by another. Belarus's borders will become again the borders

of Russia.  Belarus's territory may again become a base for

Russian nuclear weapons. Given that Belarus borders on

Poland and Ukraine, this warning for the two NATO 

candidate members becomes quite obvious--if they allow

NATO's nuclear weapons to  be stationed on their territory,

then they will have Russian weapons situated along their

borders." 



HUNGARY:   "In Russia's Sphere"



Readers of liberal, influential Magyar Hirlap (1/27) saw

this op-ed piece:  "According to some sources, Russia is

adamant in three issues.  First, that  NATO must not deploy 

nuclear weapons on the territories of new members.  Second,

that no NATO  troops must be deployed in the new members

either and it must not establish permanent  bases there,

either.  Last, that Russia be given the veto right when it

comes to the membership of  the three Baltic states and

Ukraine in the Alliance.  This is this last demand that the

West  feels most concerned about, since it proves that

there are political forces in Russia that still  consider

these former Soviet republics to belong to Russia's

interest sphere." 



"West Lacks Policy For Central-Eastern Europe" 



Conservative Magyar Nemzet (1/25) concluded, "Debates on

the deadline of EU and NATO enlargement indicate very well 

that the West lacks a policy towards Central-Eastern

Europe....  It is kind of ironic to remember how

coordinated Western efforts  were two decades ago when its

main goal was to drive wedges into the Soviet world.  At

the Madrid summit, NATO must finally come forward and

announce which  countries it wants to invite.  Further

vague promises to Central-Europe can no longer make  up for

the absence of a relevant policy." 



"How To Be A NATO Player"                    



Influential liberal weekly 168 Ora stressed (1/21),

"Joining NATO is not necessarily the best nor is it the

only solution to  represent Hungary's strategic interests. 

High ranking Ministry of Defense official Istv n Gyarmati

argues that, once Hungary becomes a member of NATO, we will

finally have the chance to have a say in decisions

influencing our future.  Well, I think that Hungary only

has this chance until it joins the Alliance.  Before the

country is admitted to NATO the Hungarian government is in

an  excellent position to bargain; all it needs is to

finally understand that the enlargement is  primarily in

the interest of the Alliance itself.   The admission of

Hungary and perhaps Slovenia into NATO would strengthen 

NATO's southern wing to such an extent that it obviously

causes concerns in Russia and  tremendous excitement among

present members.  This is why the efficient enlargement of

the Alliance cannot take place without involving Hungary. 

This makes it possible for Hungarian  diplomats and

military leaders to finally assume the role of the player

in the NATO game rather than  that of kibitzer." 











LATVIA:   "Moscow Waits Impatiently For Western

Concessions" 



Aris Jansons of centrist Diena said (1/22):  "Even  though

NATO members armed its representative with a load of 

practical offers, one could not have expected a break in

the  oral stand-off between the two sides because the

Russian  president was still recuperating....  It does seem

that Solana's  offers were important--no wonder Primakov

called his staff to a  meeting after the guest had left....





"This business between NATO and Russia should be taken care

of  if only for the sake of avoiding a serious

deterioration of  relations between Moscow and the West as

well as those  Eastern European countries moving towards

the North Atlantic Alliance....  The international mood can

start resembling 'cold  war' instead of 'cold peace'

again." 



MOLDOVA:  "Russia's Relations With NATO:  No Results" 



Opposition Tara stated in its editorial (1/24):  "The 

negotiations between Javier Solana and Yevgeny Primakov

were very tense because of Russia's  opposition to NATO's

expansion to East.  Their results could be qualified to

null.   That means the parties retained their old

positions.  That means NATO will continue  the expansion

and Russia will continue to oppose it.  Probably without 

success." 



NORWAY:   "Sleeping With The Enemy" 



Independent tabloid Dagbladet considered whether NATO's

negotiations with Russian will be for the better or the

worse (1/21): "It is hard to grasp, but NATO has actually

begun expansion negotiations with Russia. Will sleeping

with the enemy lead to something good, or will this become

another Munich?... If all goes well--if Russia really acts

the way the West hopes it will--NATO expansion may be

President Clinton's great contribution to the world's

history. Future historians may say that he transformed

Europe from a battlefield of the Cold War to a peaceful and

cooperating continent of equal partners. If it goes wrong,

however, Clinton's legacy could be that he awoke the long

dormant Russian nationalism and militarism. Clinton could

become the president who  stirred up the explosive East

versus West situation, leading to another arms race of both

conventional and nuclear arms." 



"The West's Responsibility To Baltics" 



Conservative Aftenposten argued that Norway and the U.S.

should support the Baltic countries' application for NATO

membership (1/14):  "NATO has taken on an all-European

role--a role that was unthinkable only a few years back.... 

The EU, NATO and the United States find themselves in an

unique position to tie the Baltic countries to the West

once and for all. Their paramount task must be to prevent

the Baltic countries from becoming a gray security policy

area, stuck between Europe and the severely weakened and

very unpredictable Russia." 



POLAND:  "Alarming Visions"



Weekly newsmagazine Wprost (2/2) carried an article  by

Jaroslaw Gizinski, "For Poland and other nations aspiring

to membership in the Alliance, the  vision of a 'soft' NATO

and Russia being a consultative member of  political

structures of the pact, is alarming.  Although, according

to the  Washington treaty, there cannot be talk of 'worse'

membership in the  pact, in practice, NATO's guarantees for

Poland might turn out to be  worth less than those that

neutral Sweden had in the Cold War years.... Western

politicians, despite increasingly definitive declarations 

of the will to enlarge NATO, are not concealing the fact

that maintaining  the dialogue with Russia is still of a

crucial significance. The  stability in the vast area of

Euro-Asia is a more important factor in global policy than

the integration of Central Europe, which is not  





directly threatened anyway. The Russians are aware of this

and therefore  they will pile up difficulties and bargain

for the highest price for  their consent." 



"No News Is Good News"



Centrist Rzeczpospolita (1/22) carried a commentary  by Jan

Skorzynski:  "Little is known about the Monday talks

between Javier Solana and  Yevgeny Primakov in Moscow. At

any rate, the talks were not successful  because they

failed to bring an agreement on special relations between 

Russia and the Atlantic Alliance. Was it a setback then?

Not really. From Warsaw's point of view, worse news would

have been that of an agreement  between NATO and the

Russian Federation which would entail a threat to  tailor

the shape of our membership according to Moscow's needs.... 

An agreement between the pact admitting new countries from

Central Europe  and a new Russia is in the Polish interest

and is useful to all of  Europe. But not at any cost.  If

for Moscow's neutrality...one should  pay by allowing the

Kremlin to co-decide about the enlargement of NATO,  there

is a question mark over the advantages of such endeavors.

Perhaps  it is better that no breakthrough news came from

Moscow after Solana's  meeting." 



"How Difficult It Will Be To Win Senate's Nod To

Enlargement"



Jacek Kwiecinski penned this for extreme right-wing weekly

Gazeta Polska (1/16),  "Various ardent opponents to NATO

enlargement have been very active  lately.  It is worth

noting that the decision on the enlargement of the 

Alliance will be taken by all NATO member nations,

beginning with the U.S. Senate, where a two-thirds vote is

required. Some  European nations perhaps will want to vote

to spite America....  The  offensive of the opponents of

NATO expansion, widespread and noisy, was  launched as if

it was ordered soon after the initial decisions had been 

taken by the Council of the Alliance....  The New York

Times, surely  beating all records, published 13 (!)

articles against the  enlargement of NATO. The most recent

editorial in the December issue was  especially harshly-

worded. As expected, the outcome of the presidential 

elections in Russia exerted no influence whatsoever on the

standpoint and  arguments of this very influential daily,

because this is an 'ideological' standpoint.  The New York

Times, like Russia, defies reasonable argument.  This paper

clearly does not like Poles and Poland. But by and large,

it  is about something different:  The daily has been

shamelessly pro-Moscow.  It unembarrassingly repeats the

Russian conclusions about NATO as a relic  of the Cold War,

is pleased with the French position, and it does not 

conceal the fact that it would be happy if NATO ceased to

exist....  If we add isolationists and senators, who are

agitated  about the cost of the admission to NATO, to the

New York Times and  leftists, it seems that the winning of

two-thirds majority in the Senate  will be difficult."



"No Turning Point On Talks With Russia"



Public Television Channel 1's main news "Wiadomosci" aired

this assessment of the Solana visit to Moscow (1/21), "If

the Alliance agrees to all  conditions set up by Moscow, in

the future it could turn out that Kremlin  representatives

in Brussels have more of a say than the new members from 

Central Europe....  The case for acceptance of the new

members into NATO  seems to be a foregone conclusion. There

is a game of political poker going on between Moscow and

Brussels, in which Moscow's superpower aspirations are at

stake. Today's talks haven't reached any turning  point."



"How Extensive Will Moscow's Veto Be?"



Channel 2's main news program, "Panorama," broadcast this

by its Moscow correspondent (1/21), "The super-secrecy of

today's talks proves that the Russians place  the

negotiations with Solana on the same level as the division

of Europe  after the Second World War or the division of

Germany. The next treaty  between NATO and Russia is to set

up a new world order for the 





next  100 years. And, practically, the question is about

the range of the  Russian veto. Will it be limited only to

the non-proliferation of nuclear  weapons on the territory

of the new members or will it also include other 

questions, such as the exclusion of the Baltic states or

Ukraine from  NATO?"



"No Concrete Results"



Radio ZET concluded (1/21), "Solana's visit didn't bring

any concrete results; it only set the  schedule for future

talks and future regular consultations. Russia will  not be

satisfied by any vague proposals but wants to bargain

more." 



"Mother Russia Will Gather In" 



Under the headline above, right-wing Zycie (1/14) said in a

commentary by  Bronislaw Wildstein, "Yeltsin's approval of

Lukashenko's wooing is not a surprise, although it must

arouse some concern....  The acceptance of Lukashenko's

courting means that economic  reason is being replaced with

imperial logic. I guess Yeltsin is not  banking on a change

in NATO's plans in the face of the blackmail to merge with

Belarus, which is dependent on Russia. The incorporation of

Belarus  into Russia is a further step in the

reconstruction of the Soviet empire  and awakening of the

Great Russian nationalism. It is much easier for  Yeltsin

to tempt with participation in the power of the empire than

it is  for him to improve living conditions. And that is

why, paradoxically,  Yeltsin's decision confirms the need

to enlarge the North Atlantic Treaty."



TURKEY:  "Turkey Comes To The Crossroads"



Hasan Cemal lamented on page one of mass-appeal Sabah

(1/26), "Europe is on the verge of restructuring.  The EU

will be expanding by admitting new members.  So are NATO

and the WEU.  Some countries like Poland, Hungary and the

Czech Republic, which will be promised to become EU

members, will become full members of NATO and the WEU,

too....  But as Turkey's membership in NATO will remain the

same, it will receive a second-class treatment in the EU

and the WEU.  This is unjust....  Turkey cannot accept this

injustice....  Along with other Eastern European countries,

Turkey, too, must be given a promise and a timetable

concerning its full membership in the EU....  If necessary,

Turkey can use its veto right against NATO expansion.... 

If Europe treats Turkey in such a rigid way then it will be

accused of 'cultural racism.'  It will be proven that it is

a Christian club." 



"NATO's Southern Flank Neglected?"



Ergun Balci insisted in liberal Cumhuriyet (1/26), "From

Turkey's point of view, if NATO expands, attention will be

focused on the Eastern flank.  The South, where Turkey is,

will be pushed aside."



                         EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC 

                                    

CHINA:   "An Arduous Negotiation" 



The Solana meeting in Moscow sparked this assessment by Xu

Hongzhi for official, Communist Party People's Daily

(Renmin Ribao, 1/24), "Both sides called the meeting

useful, but differences still exist and negotiations will

have to continue....  It is hard to say whether an

agreement can be reached before the Madrid summit meeting

in July."



"Trouble Has Just Begun"



Gu Qi maintained in official, Shanghai Communist Party

Liberation Daily (Jiefang Ribao, 1/22), 





"NATO enlargement has basically  become a forgone

conclusion....  Russia cannot stop it but manages by

various means to express its anger and dissatisfaction.... 

The arguments for enlargement do not hold water.  However,

the U.S. government has some intentions which it finds

inconvenient to discuss openly.  In order to achieve a

position of global leadership, first of all, the United

States must control Europe. The United States finds it

easier to control NATO than to interfere in the OSCE. In

addition, NATO needs to consolidate its equipment and

upgrade its technology.  Related trade in armaments has

been estimated to be worth $40 billion to $100 billion.  It

is natural that the United States--the world's number one

arms dealer--stands to benefit from it.  



"Although the West has planned to make some concessions,

enlargement, as President Yeltsin once said, is an insult

to Russia. Perhaps the trouble has just begun."



"Showdown Over NATO Enlargement"



Xu Hongzhi warned in official, Communist Party People's

Daily (Renmin Ribao, 1/14), "It is dangerous to ignore

Russian opposition and insist on Eastward enlargement. 

NATO must proceed cautiously and handle its relations with

Russia with care in order to head off a new

confrontation....  Independent experts think that the two

sides will compromise in the end. The question is, what

kind of compromise will they reach? The United States and

Western Europe do not share the same views on this issue. 

NATO must first come to a consensus on enlargement before

NATO can reach a compromise with Russia on the issue." 



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                                 1/29/97

         



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