Presentation by
Mr. VYGAUDAS UŠACKAS,
Deputy Minister, MFA of the Republic of Lithuania
45th General Assembly of the Atlantic Treaty Association

Strasbourg, 20 October 1999
 

Monsieur le Président,
Excellences,
Mesdames et Messieurs,
 

C’est un grand honneur pour moi de prendre la parole devant cette honorable assemblée et je vous remercie, Monsieur le Président de l’Association du Traité Atlantique, a mon propre nom et au nom de Monsieur Algirdas Saudargas, Ministre des Affaires Etrangères, de votre excellente initiative d’organiser cet echange de vues trés important sur les questions qui nous preoccupent tous telles que l’elargissement de l’Union Europeen et de l’OTAN.
 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentleman,
 

Viewed from the historical perspective, the Baltic sea region has experienced turbulent history where major European powers have periodically tried to exert strategic and ideological influence and where fundamental rights were ignored. The smaller countries in the region have suffered disproportionately through repeated occupation and oppression by their larger neighbours.

Today, the Baltic Sea region is one of the most dynamically developing, outward-looking and promising regions in Europe. The fall of the Soviet Union and other totalitarian regimes in the East, restoration of independence of Lithuania and other Baltic states, followed by their involvement into European and Transatlantic integration processes provide unique opportunities for stability and well- being around the Baltic Sea. A significant factor here is present day Russia’s involvement in partnership relationship with the Western institutions.
 

(Economy and regional co-operation)

Positive change in the security situation, influenced, first of all, the revelation of the economic attractiveness of the Baltic Sea region. The region has enormous potential, given the 90 millions of people who live there, and it is  rapidly developing region, with rich natural and human resources and excellent transit opportunities.
 

However, it is clear that in the environment of increasing regional interdependence we have to achieve more yet. The suspicions and cautions over some of the neighbours intentions remain deeply rooted in the peoples minds due to the decades of Soviet occupation and suppression. On the other hand, region’s economic development is hampered by uneven development of particular parts of the Baltic Sea area, remaining different trade regimes and imperfect border crossing procedures.

These are the invisible “dividing lines” still carving the region, which are being mitigated through increased bilateral contacts and sub-regional co-operation as well as participation in the Euroatlantic processes.

The Baltic sea region is known of it s various bilateral and regional  co-operative networks.
The Council of the Baltic Sea states play an important role in advancing regional projects among the ten member states in the fields of energy, infrastructure and transport. Currently the CBSS is also assuming a greater role of initiator and facilitator of closer co-operation among the regions of the member states and “people to people” contacts.

Increased bilateral and sub-regional co-operation is becoming even more important as we advance our integration into the EU and NATO, while promoting mutually beneficial co-operation with Russia and particularly its regions- present and future adjacent regions to the EU and NATO member states.

This is why one of the priorities of Lithuanian chairmanship in the CBSS this year has been to involve Kaliningrad and other Northwest regions of Russia into practical relationships with the adjacent regions of the neighbouring states.

Lithuania intensively seeks to contribute to a stable and even development of the Kaliningrad region and to assist it in becoming an attractive partner for trade and investment. It is also important to ensure that as Lithuania and Poland integrate into EU and NATO, inhabitants of Kaliningrad will not feel isolated and could benefit from this fact through greater involvement in regional and sub-regional co-operation and growing people-to people contacts.
In close collaboration with the Federal Government of Russia and local authorities in Kaliningrad we have initiated projects and activities in the fields of promotion of investments and creation of favourable climate for investment; training of public administration; environmental protection; civic security and energy and infrastructure. US, Poland and Nordic countries are active in support of our co-operative projects. Currently, under initiative of two Prime Ministers, Lithuania and Russia is preparing the joint proposals on how to involve Kaliningrad region into the European Union s Northern Dimension.

We believe that practical activities in these fields along with continuing interests to further investments and trade will contribute to the economic stabilisation and even development of the Baltic sea region as the whole.  Bearing in mind the unique geopolitical situation of Kaliningrad region of RF, we share the view on the need to further the relationship of EU with Kaliningrad Oblast and other regions of Russia- present and future adjacent regions to the EU member states- which could serve as the model for the development of EU-Russia relationship as the whole and ultimately open perspective of a Free Trade Agreement between EU and Russia.

(Belarus)

We admit, that internal situation in Belarus prevents it from taking an active part in regional co-operation, and benefiting from co-operation with European institutions. Though, legitimacy of the current authorities in Belarus is questioned, Lithuania  maintains its contacts with neighbouring Belarus’ government and develops bilateral relationship in the spirit of pragmatism and practical need. At the same time we urge Belarussian authorities to create the environment of confidence vis-à-vis opposition political forces and through meaningful preliminary dialogue and further negotiations to prepare the package of laws for free and fair parliamentary elections in the year 2000, access of opposition to the state controlled media and functions of the future parliament.
Continued imprisonment of the former Prime Minister Cigir, lack of  the progress in clarifying the disappearance of Deputy Chairman of parliament Goncar and other representatives of opposition as well as remaining obstacles to provide access to the state run electronic media constitute deficit of confidence to resume preliminary consultations over negotiations for the next year elections.
 
Violent suppression by Belarussian authorities of the opposition organised Freedom March on 17 October will do nothing but tense the internal situation and will put under question prospects of future political reconciliation. The dialogue and negotiations between all political forces, under the climate of confidence and  monitoring of OSCE mission in Minsk, is the only way to overcome the current political crisis in Belarus as well as isolation.

The international community should call upon Lukashenko Government to restrain from the measures directed against opposition and avoid further deterioration of internal situation in Belarus.
 

 (EU)

Ladies and Gentleman,

Last week the European Commission took an important decision by recommending to open negotiations with Lithuania and other candidate countries. This is positive evaluation of homework Lithuania is consistently doing for preparations to become EU member.
We look forward to receive a formal invitation from the Helsinki European Council to start accession negotiations. It will help consolidate national resources and motivate the society to continue among the path of economic reforms meeting EU membership criteria and strengthening Lithuania’s case against  increased competitiveness in the EU markets.

We hope that EU enlargement would open new opportunities for using in the region the multilateral experience of the EU countries, developing political and economical co-operation, furthering the modernisation of industry, and increasing trade. The EU enlargement towards the East and the Baltic Sea region would also extend the zone of a customs union, a single market, and an economic and monetary union. The extension of this market would create conditions for better using the economic advantages provided by a single market, would stimulate trade and production, and in turn would increase the incomes and level of consumption of citizens of member-states along with the common welfare and economic security of new EU members.

EU enlargement is also an important factor to increase political stability in the Baltic Sea region, and guarantee the consolidation of democracy and the rule of law. EU enlargement will insure civic security and unite the efforts of all countries of the region to solve problems provoked by modern “challenges” to societies.
 
 

 (ESDI)

The European Union for us is not just a club of wealthy nations and well functioning economies, but also the Union of countries with the increased determination to coordinate efforts in response to external political and security challenges.

The Kosovo crisis once again has revealed the fact that European countries have to have effective European crisis management capabilities in order to cope with potential crises that might occur at the periphery of Europe in the future. We regard the results of the Washington NATO Summit and the Cologne European Council to be of decisive importance for drawing up a set of principles on which the development of the European crisis management capabilities should be based.

Seen from the Baltic Sea perspective, the prospect of possible integration of the WEU into the EU and strengthening the European defence pillar of NATO firstly should benefit the European security environment and, at the same time, not weaken but reinforce the transatlantic link lying at the heart of European security. Putting in practice the common European policy on security and defence concerns more than only the current EU members, and is an issue for consideration among all contributors to the security and stability  of the Euro-Atlantic area, including EU and NATO candidate countries.

(NATO)
 

After 50 years of its existence the Alliance continues to be a guarantor and safeguard of freedom and acts as the prerequisite for economic and social prosperity. Lithuania’s and other aspiring countries’ membership in NATO would make final recognition and consolidation of the chosen path of democracy and free market reforms. NATO remains the factor of stability spreading also to the neighbouring areas.

Though Lithuania and other aspirant countries  do not face direct military threat, they still border regions with a high degree of uncertainty and unpredictability; where countries are characterised by the fragility of democratic reforms and the remaining difficulties of the transitional period, or where authoritarian rulers suppress freedom, democracy and endanger other countries by spreading instability across the borders. In the environment of multiple challenges and risks, the significance of the Alliance remains important for new democracies. New risks to security still exist and NATO's steady hand still saves lives and stops the spread of violence.

Our integration to NATO, first of all, is based on the adherence to the common values - democracy, individual freedom and the rule of law - that have characterised the Western part of the globe for many years and that have united Western countries to form common institutions to preserve stability and promote prosperity.
We do also believe that the limited capabilities of small countries, like Lithuania, can be most affective only when combined with the collective actions of other countries sharing the same values and interests.

At the 1997 Madrid Summit, and two years later at the Washington Summit, leaders of the Alliance made it clear that the Alliance is on an irreversible path of changes. The invitation of our immediate neighbour- Poland, as well as Hungary and the Czech Republic to NATO was the best illustration of that. In Washington the Alliance leaders also committed to NATO's openness, and recognised the progress made by Lithuania and other aspiring countries, by setting a target date - 2002 - for the next revision of the enlargement process. NATO also provided a solid mechanism - the Membership Action Plan - to assist the applicants in preparations for eventual accession. These facts encourage us to double our efforts so that we would be qualified for membership in the second round of enlargement.

We expect the Membership Action Plan (MAP) together with an enhanced PfP program to constitute a very practical and membership-tailored element of NATO's "open door" policy. However, even or without the Membership Action Plan Lithuania is well on the way to prepare to assume membership obligations. The objective of integration into NATO is firm and the steps we have been taking since the Madrid Summit testify to that resolve.

On the practical part, we are creating an armed forces based on the Western model, which can be integrated into NATO and also function independently if we must defend alone. For these purposes, we have consistently allocated a high percentage of our national budget to defence.
 

Already at the beginning of September the Lithuanian Government approved the Lithuanian National NATO integration programme. Recently we have presented our Program to NATO and have discussed with the NATO team in Brussels.

The Lithuanian National NATO Integration Programme, approved by the Government and considered with the NATO Team in September,  places great emphasis on the need to prepare force structures to contribute militarily to collective defence and to the Alliance's new missions. Lithuania has adapted a firm commitment to a progressive ten-year modernisation and procurement programme to improve its military capabilities.  Lithuania is also fully prepared to share the roles, risks, responsibilities, benefits and burdens of common security and collective defence; and to subscribe to the Strategic Concept and other Ministerial statements.

A ten year armed forces development plan foresees an active military force of 25.000. We have already begun to reform our reserve force. After completion of the reform we will have a complementary force of over 200.000 highly-motivated reservists who can be activated in a crisis.

The long-term defence plan outlines both quantitative and qualitative aspects for developing defence capabilities. The basic principles for combat forces are readiness, mobility, sustainability, survivability, flexibility and interoperability with NATO.  The long-term priorities include: C3, the adoption of a new force structure, systematised education and training system, logistics, quality of life improvement, development of infrastructure, armament and equipment procurement, and air defence.

As a NATO member, Lithuania is eager to participate fully in the NATO integrated military structure.  The precise arrangements for its participation will correspond to the needs of the Alliance and to the capabilities of Lithuania. In preparation, Lithuania will seek to identify qualified personnel and prepare them for work within the NATO Military Structures.

We are aware of strong Russia's resistance against the Baltic membership in the Alliance and NATO knows this as well. But whatever psychological barriers may exist among Russia's decision-makers, they will be reinforced if NATO stops the enlargement process short of its stated goal of a reunited, democratic Europe. Redrawing "red lines" on the map of Europe evidences the remnants of old thinking. The NATO commitment to cross over these imaginary barriers, is the greatest assistance the West can offer Russia in helping to find its rightful place in a democratic Trans-Atlantic community. This is why the inclusion of Lithuania and other best prepared countries in the next round of NATO enlargement could be one of NATO's most important tasks which would demonstrate unequivocally that NATO’s "open door" policy is credible and firm. NATO’s decision to invite Lithuania for membership would extend the zone of stability and security in the Baltic region, and insure continuity of NATO enlargement to other aspiring countries in North-eastern Europe.

Another stereotype often been noted is the intention to regard aspirant countries based on the "grouping" approach rather than based on their individual achievements. Although, geographically candidate countries can be characterised by proximity or some of them - by similar contemporary history, none of them want to be grouped artificially. At the Washington Summit NATO reaffirmed that no European democratic country will be excluded from consideration, regardless of its geographic location, and each aspirant will be considered on its own merits.

We have no doubt that the security and stability of the Baltic Sea region cannot be considered separately from European security and stability. Continuous attention from the West is essential in the development of a region still undergoing a period of transformation.  This may take the form of direct investment and trade from Europe and North America and of enlarging Trans-Atlantic institutions, thereby providing unique opportunities for stability and well-being around the Baltic Sea, and thus contributing to an integrated Europe without new dividing lines.
 
 

As we approach new millennium, we intend to consider that we are entering that being stronger and more secure. However optimistic and forthcoming we wish to be,  we still have a feeling  that  something has to be done, some expectations should be fulfilled. I hope that NATO on it s side has a similar feeling- the Alliance is still incomplete. Open door policy needs to be put into effect through admission of the best prepared candidate countries to NATO during the subsequent wave of enlargement by 2002.
 

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