STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD 
JOHN C. KORNBLUM 
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR EUROPEAN AND CANADIAN AFFAIRS

COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
July 17, 1997


Introduction

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome this opportunity to testify on the
historic events that took place last week in Madrid and on their
meaning for the American people. As we shift from the pre-Madrid focus
on accomplishing the objectives for the Summit to the beginning of the
accession and ratification phase, we look forward to working closely
with you to ensure that the rationale, the benefits, and the costs of
enlarging and adapting NATO are fully understood by this body and by
the American people. It is my hope and, indeed, my expectation, that
as we proceed, this effort will also be fully welcomed and supported.

We were very pleased that many members of the House and Senate,
including Representative Sisisky, were able to join us in Madrid for
the Summit. As Senator Roth's remarks to the North Atlantic Council
underscored, the Madrid Summit was an historic watershed in the
Alliance's development of a "New NATO" for a new century. It is
important that we continue the close cooperation between the
Administration and the Congress on this matter.


Why we are enlarging NATO

Before I go into greater detail on the Summit's achievements and what
happens next, let me reiterate why we are enlarging and adapting NATO.

Six years ago, NATO stood at a crossroads: The Cold War was over, the
principal purpose of NATO -- to counter a potential Soviet threat --
no longer existed. Many people were asking "why do we still need
NATO?" The Alliance asked itself that question and came up with an
answer: "Because NATO is the most effective military alliance in
history and has a vital role to play in creating, for the first time
in history, an undivided, peaceful and secure continent." But, we
recognized that to fulfill that role, NATO had to change. For six
years, NATO has been adapting to the realities of the post-Cold War
era and the new security environment in Europe. Last week, in Madrid,
we took the most significant steps toward achieving that adaptation
and realizing our goal of a Europe united and free from conflict.

The new NATO is better equipped to deal with the post-Cold War
challenges to our security in Europe than any other institution. For
50 years, NATO has been the most effective deterrent to large-scale
conflict. In those 50 years, no NATO member has been attacked and no
NATO member has attacked another country. But, imagine a world without
NATO. While institutions such as the OSCE (Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe), UN (United Nations), and EU (European
Union) would still carry out their vital functions, there is no
comparable entity to NATO. Without NATO, we would open up the gates to
the possibility of renewed conflict and to the possibility that, once
again, American soldiers would be required to fight and die to protect
American interests and values. As President Clinton said before
traveling to Madrid, "if we haven't learned a single, solitary other
lesson from the 20th century, surely we have learned that our future
and Europe's are inevitably intertwined."

By enlarging NATO, we strengthen NATO, and we strengthen security and
stability in all of Europe. Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic
will not just be security consumers, but security producers. They
share NATO's commitment to democratic and free market principles. They
will radiate stability beyond their borders and work with their
neighbors to cement the enormous progress already made. They will reap
the benefits, but they will also bear the responsibilities and costs
of membership in NATO. By enlarging NATO, we help consolidate and
continue the progress toward reform and democracy throughout Europe.
And, we erase forever the dividing line that separated Europe for 50
years. Enlarging NATO will ensure that this new NATO will continue to
be the most effective military alliance in history. It is a new NATO
for a new century.


Accomplishments at Madrid

The invitation to Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to begin
accession negotiations, while the most notable achievement of the
Madrid Summit, was by no means the only one. Enlargement cannot be
viewed in isolation. It is but one element of a much larger effort to
create a safer, more secure Euro-Atlantic community.

At Madrid, Allies made clear that this enlargement will not be NATO's
last. They approved a robust open door package that includes
continuation of NATO's Intensified Dialogues with Partners aspiring to
membership, a commitment to review the status of those Dialogues at
the next Summit in 1999, and a stronger and deeper cooperative
relationship with Partners through the new Euro-Atlantic Partnership
Council (EAPC) and enhanced Partnership for Peace (PFP).

The EAPC will deepen and give more focus to NATO and Partners'
consultations, enhance the scope and substance of our practical
cooperation, and increase transparency and confidence among all EAPC
states. Similarly, Allies noted the extraordinary success of PFP and
acknowledged that without PFP, NATO would not have been able to deploy
so effectively and efficiently IFOR (Implementation Force in Bosnia)
and SFOR (Stabilization Force in Bosnia) with the participation of so
many Partners. On day two of the Summit, 28 EAPC heads of state or
government or their representatives met for the first time in history
within the NATO context with their NATO counterparts.

Alliance leaders also signed the NATO-Ukraine Charter, which will
enable NATO and Ukraine to strengthen their consultation and
cooperation, and they recognized the historic signing in May of the
NATO-Russia Founding Act. The new NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council
will allow NATO and Russia to consult, cooperate, and, where
appropriate, and let me emphasize "where appropriate," act together to
address challenges to security in Europe. It will not, and let me
emphasize this also because some recent commentators have
misunderstood this, it will not give Russia a veto over Alliance
decisions. Where NATO and Russia agree on joint action and agree to
undertake it together, they will do so. Where they do not agree, the
Alliance remains free to undertake whatever action it deems
appropriate.

Allies also noted the progress made on NATO's internal adaptation, and
agreed to try to resolve outstanding issues on command structure and
development of a European Security and Defense Identity (ESDI) within
NATO and the Combined Joint Task Force concept by the December North
Atlantic Council Ministerial. These elements of NATO adaptation --
Enlargement, NATO-Russia, NATO-Ukraine, the EAPC and enhanced PFP, and
internal adaptation -- will complement the ongoing efforts of other
Euro-Atlantic institutions such as the OSCE, EU, COE (Council of
Europe), and WEU (Western European Union), to achieve our goal of a
secure, integrated Europe.


What's next?

-- Accession Talks

In September and October, NATO will hold accession talks with the
invitees. The talks will confirm formally each invitee's willingness
and ability to undertake the obligations of the North Atlantic Treaty
and its acceptance of the full political and legal requirements of the
Alliance. The talks will also establish each country's relationship to
NATO's defense planning system and integrated military structure. NATO
expects to conclude the talks by the December 16-17 NAC Ministerial,
at which time NATO Foreign Ministers will sign the accession
protocols.

Then, the Allied ratification process will begin. The amendment to the
Washington Treaty to admit the three countries must be ratified by all
16 NATO members. In Madrid, Allies endorsed President Clinton's goal
of completing the ratification process in time for the three invitees
to join NATO formally by the 50th anniversary of the Washington Treaty
in April, 1999.

-- Costs

Before December, NATO will complete a comprehensive analysis of the
costs of enlargement as well as refined analyses on the military
requirements relating to enlargement for the three invited countries.
The Madrid Summit Declaration contained an acknowledgment that
enlargement would entail resource implications for the Alliance and a
commitment that the resources necessary to meet those costs would be
provided.

The Declaration was approved by all Allies. We will insist that all
Allies, current and now, meet their fair share of the costs of
membership.

-- EAPC, PFP, Russia and Ukraine

Another important goal of the coming months will be to bring life to
the EAPC, the Permanent Joint Council with Russia, and the new
NATO-Ukraine relationship. We will be working with our Allies and
Partners to develop these fora.

-- Internal Adaptation

Significant progress has been made on NATO's internal adaptation, but
the work needs to be completed. NATO will also strive to complete
these tasks by its December Ministerial. We will continue to explore
with our colleagues in France and other allied nations ways of
resolving the AFSOUTH command issue.

Conclusion

In the past three months, we and our NATO Allies and European Partners
have accomplished an extraordinary series of measures to move us
closer to our goal of a peaceful, secure, and undivided Europe. You
and your colleagues in the Congress have been with us every step of
the way. Not all have agreed with every action we have taken, and
there have been many questions. That is how it should be. Your
questions and concerns have made our decisions better and stronger.
Working together, we have set the framework for the most sweeping
changes in the European security structure since the end of the Cold
War. We now have the opportunity to join together to make our shared
vision of a new NATO for a new Europe and a new century a reality. I
and my colleagues in the Administration look forward to joining you in
this effort.

Thank you.