Transformations in Defense Markets and Industries 

 

Section One: Global Transformation in Defense Markets and Industries
Section Two: Two Key Trends for the Future of Warfare
Section Three: Composite Characteristics of Global Armaments Transformation
Section Four: First Order Security Consequences of a Diffused Armaments World
Section Five: Adapting to New Defense Economic Realities
Section Six: Warfare in a Diffused Armaments World
Section Seven: Specific National Security Issues for the United States
Section Eight: Important Strategic Uncertainties
Section Nine: Summary

Highlights

Since the end of the Cold War, the global armament system has begun to evidence a radical transformation leading to changes in national practices governing how arms are acquired and produced.  If current trends continue, which seems the most likely, this transformation may alter significantly how nations prepare for and conduct war.

There is a historical precedent. In all previous eras of significant military-technical change, there was a transformation of global defense markets and industries. A few countries became the global suppliers, but technology diffusion inevitably occurred, principally from migration of skilled personnel. Leading nations that adopted protectionist policies accelerated their decline.  Other countries rapidly filled the gap.

Two key trends are especially important for the future of warfare: the deliberate diversification of national armament strategies to include a larger fraction of cross-border imports, and the deliberate commercialization of national defense industrial bases. These two trends are occurring globally, although at different paces within individual regions and countries. Although these produce many domestic benefits, they also lead to a world characterized by the routine diffusion of weapons and technology, embedded security of supply issues, and reduced national control over indigenous defense industrial bases.

There is also an important derivative trend. One of the global government commercialization initiatives since the mid-1980’s has been the promotion of defense industry operations in civilian markets to help defray costs and promote access to commercial technology. Yet it appears that from a corporate perspective, concentration on defense is a better competitive strategy than splitting efforts with commercial markets. For those companies in the Top 100 global defense industries, the average fraction of annual revenues from defense markets has been steadily increasing, rising from 38 percent in 1995 to 56 percent in 1999. After experimenting with commercial markets in the early 1990s, the most successful companies now concentrate more on defense. As a result, arms export market dependencies are increasing.

Nations globally are adjusting to the new trends, and they are choosing different combinations of diversification and commercialization. Forty-seven countries that comprise about 95 percent of world military expenditures were compared over time. Fourteen have a more diversified armament strategy in 1997 than in 1991, and only four have a less diversified strategy. Eleven of the 47 states exhibit greater commercialization of defense industries via arms export markets; only six indicate less commercialization. Within many nations, there are also internal tensions between their historical goals of self-sufficiency in arms production and the current realities that mandate greater cross-border diversification.  These tensions have not been resolved.

As nations and corporations adjust to the new defense economic realities, a more diffused armaments world will probably evolve toward a division of labor based on relative competitive commercial advantage. This division of labor will extend to different classes of armaments, with companies assuming global sector leadership.

Currently, US companies lead in all major armament sectors. At the same time, increased concentration on export markets, new niche strategies, and growing numbers of mergers and acquisitions are increasing the competitiveness of global defense industries and may eventually erode the US lead in some areas of defense products or services.

In the short term, advanced-technology weapons will continue to reach emerging nations. Aircraft, missiles, and defense electronics lead the way in systems that are dispersing globally.  US reluctance to provide technology to Asian and Middle Eastern countries is countered by the willingness of other nations to provide systems and technologies. If they so choose, second-tier countries can also regularly modernize by relying on competitive market forces to regulate costs without investing in, and maintaining, expensive infrastructures. Systems integration, training, and maintenance services are also now available to those countries on the global market.

Defense industries globally may also suffer from competition with commercial markets for skilled personnel. The market for skills represented by the current annual global armaments budget of about $250B is competing with a global commercial high technology market in excess of $1.6T.  If the defense sector loses, the pace and character of global military force development will suffer. Nations that have learned how to effectively integrate commercial and defense development and production will emerge as winners.

Current trends suggest that the diffused armaments world will endure for at least several decades. This world will be a return to the historical global armaments process that was interrupted by WWII and the Cold War.  Military thought will then have to focus on leveraging those characteristics to a nation’s military advantage. Significant changes in the character of warfare could follow. For example, doctrinal investigations  by experienced military planners suggest that:

In the diffused armaments world, asymmetric forms of warfare may flourish. The diffusion of systems and technology provides more opportunities for states to develop unique operational employment concepts that draw on capabilities not otherwise readily available. In addition to combat and support systems, systems integration, training, and maintenance services can also be purchased. The diversity of options also increases the likelihood that countries will make asymmetric choices to fit their own circumstances. Future armament and defense industrial strategies will also adapt, and the changes will create challenges for US security interests.  For example:

Although there are new challenges, the United States is well positioned to meet them. The United States and its defense industries are the dominant players in the global armament system. US armament strategy and defense industrial strategy, as well as the actions of US defense companies, will have a shaping influence on the entire global armament system for the foreseeable future. The outcome of the trans-Atlantic defense industrial relationship will also have a key influence.

At the same time, for at least the next 10-20 years, the characteristics of the new global armament system should be an explicit factor in US security and defense planning and in the evaluation of future warfare capabilities.  In addition to sustained investment to stay at the cutting edge of military technology, an important element of military dominance will be the ability of the United States to exploit the characteristics of the emerging armaments world more effectively than potential adversaries.

It also seems clear that the transformations in global defense markets and industries, even though underway for over a decade, should still be viewed as in the experimental stage. Further significant changes appear likely. These will be necessary in the short term to resolve internal inconsistencies within national defense industrial strategies and to reconcile, across countries, national defense industrial strategies with the overall size of the global defense market. The results will probably concentrate even more of the world’s defense industrial capacity in a small number of very large transnational defense companies, and thus reinforce the trends toward a diffused armaments world.

One factor contributing to the current transformation is the global decline in defense budgets, down as of 1997 by about 40 percent from the Cold War high of 1987. There is current debate as to whether defense budgets will continue to decline, or will gradually rise. Increased personnel costs may also result in fewer funds for weaponry.

Further declines in defense budgets reinforce the conclusions of this research. In the extreme, it is even possible that the demand for some classes of weaponry could fall below the minimum required for private sector profitability.  If defense industrial bases remain commercialized, then the production capacity for such weaponry could vanish.

Even a gradual rise in defense budgets will not appreciably change the size of the global arms market from the perspective of private industry. It would take about a 2 percent annual increase above the inflation rate to restore global military expenditures to the 1987 level by 2020. This steady level of increase seems unlikely unless the international security situation appreciably changes. If so, then it also is likely that governments, as in the years immediately preceding WW II, will return to more autarkic armament strategies and nationalized defense industrial bases.

Consequently, even though the size of defense budgets clearly influences the levels and types of deployed armaments, the character of the global armament system will be determined principally by whether or not governments continue with diversification and commercialization strategies.  There are strong current incentives to do so.



Section 1
Global Transformations in Defense Markets and Industries

Since the end of the Cold War, the global armament system[1] has begun to evidence a radical transformation leading to changes in national practices governing how arms are acquired and produced.  If current trends continue, and that seems the most likely, this transformation may alter significantly how nations prepare for and conduct war.

Text Box: Global Levels (1997 US $B)	1991	1997
GNP ($trillion)	29T	33T
Military Expenditures	1150	842
Armaments Budget	425	250
Arms Imports/Exports	55	55
Table 1. Global Armament Funding

The pattern of armaments funding is one indicator of change. That pattern has shifted appreciably throughout the decade of the 1990’s. Worldwide military expenditures and national armament budgets have dropped significantly.[2] Using 1991 and 1997 as benchmark years for comparison, the relative financial levels of several important categories are as shown in Table 1.[3] Actually, import/export levels dropped to a low of $46B in 1994, gradually increasing to the point that both 1997 and 1991 had equal arms import levels, even though the global armaments budget of the two years differs dramatically.  This situation arose from changes in national armament strategies and defense industrial strategies. Accompanying these changes, significant shifts are underway in traditional patterns, modes, and sources of global arms production and sales.

The phenomenon currently unfolding has a historical precedent. In all previous periods of significant change in military technology there was an accompanying transformation of global defense markets and industries. The issues and dilemmas currently being debated were also debated by the participants of the times. Today the world appears to be in the initial phase of a similar historical epoch precipitated by changes in information technologies and miniaturization.  There are historical lessons that bear on probable outcomes, and that are especially important for the United States. For example, in previous periods:

During these eras, nations changed their armament strategies for a prolonged period of time, there were transformations in global defense markets and industries, and there was a redefinition of the global armament system.  Leaders emerged, followers tried to catch up, and technology eventually diffused. Commercial technology, export markets, and import strategies played a key role. Private companies (both defense and commercial) assumed new functions and responsibilities, and state arsenals were redefined.

For example, the industrial revolution of the late nineteenth century induced a transformation in the global armament system that lasted about 50 years. The transformation was due to several factors. These included: improved technology for mass production and a derivative ability to export arms in large quantities; a separate defense-industrial sector of the economy, producing arms mostly for profit; and the rapid development of a global transportation and communications infrastructure for commerce.

By the interwar period, more nations were armament providers. About 20 states were suppliers, with nine accounting for about 90 percent of global arms exports. There were many new competitors, and multiple suppliers for all major weapons classes. It was easy for any state that could afford to pay to acquire armaments, countries worked to diversify their sources of supply, and it was much more difficult to control arms sales. About 60  countries became importers.  Transnational arms companies emerged, as well as licensed production. Global restructuring of defense industries occurred as a commercial response to the character of the arms market. When WWII started, this structure abruptly changed as most countries nationalized their defense industries.

The Cold War global armament system, in retrospect, was a historical anomaly. It was not driven by commercial market forces as in previous epochs, but by political decisions in the context of a bipolar global arms market structure. Hence the current transformations that characterize defense markets and defense industries in the aftermath of the Cold War may signal a return to normalcy.

 

Section 2
Two Key Trends for the Future of Warfare

The most significant source of change in global defense markets and industries is the collapse of the Cold War order that had produced a bipolar global arms market structure that was stable for 40 years. That collapse created a vacuum that has been an underlying shaping factor in the transformation currently underway. In the absence of the defense-production rationale of the Cold War, there ceased to be a large well-defined opponent that served to size the defense industrial effort and create its core characteristics,  requirements, rules, and trends.

The general integration of competitive armaments blocks following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact has largely been completed.  Beyond this, there are also many other common factors influencing recent national decisions on armaments and defense industries. These include: defense budget reductions; pending block obsolescence of weaponry; the pace of military technology development; the promotion of alliance interoperability; the social need to deal with legacy defense industries from the Cold War; rising advanced armaments costs; the rate of commercial technology development; the realities of economic globalization; and, for some states, increased threat perceptions.  Nations globally are faced with the same fundamental dilemma: how to provide for their own armament requirements in a controllable way[4] while maintaining a national defense industrial base that they can afford with public funds.

The decade of the 1990’s has started to demonstrate how nations are resolving this dilemma. While Western non-proliferation policies continue to promote limits on the exports of some categories of arms, often with modest success, for the most part global arms markets respond more to economic incentives than to political incentives.

There are two key trends that are especially important for the future of warfare. These trends characterize the new approaches being taken globally to acquire weaponry and to maintain defense industrial bases. They also portend a significant shift from the Cold War armaments paradigm in which countries produced arms for their own needs, augmented with production for foreign military sales to meet political ends.

Trend #1: Diversification of National Armament Strategies

The first important trend is the deliberate diversification of national armament strategies. Armament diversification consists of broadening the sources from which states acquire arms. This may include a mix of: indigenous development and production; co-development or co-production; licensed production; purchase of completed systems, or renting needed capabilities. Over the decade of the 1990’s, countries globally have been diversifying that mix.

There are several indicators of this trend. These include: government declaratory policies to use diversified strategies; increased attempts to form collaborative co-development alliances between nations; government decisions to import systems even when it meant reducing funds to directly competing domestic industries; and a gradual rise in spending on arms imports. Perhaps the most important signal pointing to this trend is the increasing share of imports as a proportion of national arms acquisitions.

The implications of diversification

Armament diversification strategies are driven by a state’s desire to acquire the most effective defense capabilities for a given armaments budget. The shift to a more diversified armament strategy provides nations with lower-cost military capabilities, and at more advanced technology levels, than would be obtainable from a less-diversified strategy. To obtain those capabilities, risks are accepted. The trend signifies an apparent growing willingness by states to accept the greater risk that comes from external armaments dependencies, and the free-flowing global arms market created by diversification strategies, when compared with the disadvantages of the alternatives.

Trend # 2: Commercialization of Defense Industrial Bases

The second important trend is the deliberate increase in the degree of commercialization of national defense industrial bases. A non-commercialized defense industrial base is a combination of state and privately owned enterprises that are fully funded by the host government to do defense work. As a result, they are captive to domestic defense requirements and procedures.  By contrast, the underlying structure of a commercialized defense industrial base dictates that it operate within the practices of the competitive commercial sector and emphasize shareholder value in selecting products, markets, and investment priorities. The domestic defense ministry is one of several customers. Most national defense industrial bases are neither fully commercialized nor fully non-commercialized.

Globally, governmental decisions over the last decade have increased the degree of commercialization. As defense expenditures have fallen, particularly in the West and in the former Soviet Union, all major arms producers have aggressively sought means of protecting the health and competitiveness of their domestic defense industries, while at the same time increasing their access to rapidly developing commercial technologies with military relevance. 

Strategies have followed several tracks: increased privatization of government arsenals; acquisition policies emphasizing dual-use technology development and the spin-on of commercially developed technologies to provided needed defense capabilities; and increased emphasis on arms exports to provide supplemental markets.  Other indicators include: the streamlining of national arms export infrastructures to improve international competitiveness (including the creation of special government structures to help private companies market externally); the absence of bail-out mechanisms for defense companies that lose key defense procurements; and the reduction in many countries in government-sponsored defense research and development funding.

But the most important indicator of increased commercialization is the deliberate funding of national defense industrial bases to less than the level needed for survival and growth. The accompanying explicit assumption is that individual defense companies will be able to make up the deficit by a combination of funds obtainable from international arms markets and from diversification to the commercial sector.

The implications of commercialization

A commercialized defense industrial strategy reduces the cost to governments of maintaining national defense industrial bases. It also provides greater access to rapidly developing commercial technology. However, this trend also introduces commercial relationships into what until recently have been largely security-driven decisions.  As arms export revenues have increased as a percentage of a state’s defense industrial expenditures, and as defense companies diversify to commercial markets, the factors driving research, development, and procurement decisions are increasingly market-oriented. Shareholder value becomes a dominant consideration in corporate decisions. Information sharing between armament partners, some of whom are potential adversaries, becomes routine, as does the sharing of technology. And international weapons requirements and specifications may intrude on the preferences of national militaries.

Most importantly, this trend indicates the increased willingness of governments to accept the consequences of commercialized behavior when compared with the costs of the alternatives. For example, with fewer suppliers due to rationalization of the industry, governments now deliberately depend more heavily on shareholder value considerations to result in needed domestic defense capabilities.

Section 3
Composite Characteristics of the Global Armaments Transformation

Nations globally have chosen different combinations of diversification and commercialization. Using 1991 and 1997 as benchmark years for comparison, Table 2 depicts how the countries comprising about ninety five percent of world military expenditures have chosen to simultaneously diversify their armament strategies and commercialize their defense industrial bases.[5]

The diversification index used to categorize countries is the percent of a nation’s armament budget that is spent on arms imports. Since the global arms market of the 1990’s has significant commercial behavior, the commercialization index is the share of defense funding of a nation’s indigenous defense industrial base that comes from arms exports.[6] Countries are categorized by the simultaneous degree of diversification and commercialization reflected by these indices. Text Box: Country Composite Classification	High arms export dependence(>25 %)	Moderate arms export dependence	Low arms export dependence(< 10%)
High diversification(>25 %) 	Israel, Pakistan	Belgium, Netherlands, Norway, Singapore,  Spain, Turkey	Australia, Ecuador, Greece, India, Iran, Japan, Malaysia,  Mexico, Peru, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Syria, Taiwan, Thailand, Venezuela, Yemen
Moderate diversification 	UK	Canada,  Germany, Sweden, Switzerland 	Brazil, Chile, Finland, Indonesia, Oman
Low diversification (<10%)		France, North Korea, US	Argentina, China, Italy, Kuwait, Poland, Qatar, Soviet Union, UAE, Vietnam
Table 2a. National Composite Characteristics (1991)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Text Box: Country Composite Classification	High arms export dependence (>25 %)	Moderate arms export dependence	Low arms export Dependence (< 10%)
High diversification(>25 %) 	Australia,  Belgium, Netherlands, Spain	Israel	Argentina, Brazil,  Ecuador, Finland, Greece, Iran, Japan,  Kuwait, Malaysia,  Mexico, Norway, Oman, Pakistan, Peru, Poland,  Qatar,  Saudi Arabia, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, Turkey, UAE, Venezuela, Yemen
Moderate diversification 	Sweden, UK, Ukraine	Canada, Germany, Italy	India, Indonesia, Switzerland, Vietnam
Low diversification (<10%)	Belarus, France, North Korea, Russia, South Africa, United States		Chile, China, Syria
Table 2b. National Composite Characteristics (1997)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 2b reflects key characteristics of the emerging global armament system:

It is also instructive to view the dynamics of change in national composite characteristics. Table 2c shows change in the combined diversification/arms export dependencies of countries between 1991 and 1997.[7] The eighteen countries in the center box were all in the same category of both diversification and arms export dependencies in 1997 as they were in 1991. Twenty nine countries changed their posture in one or both categories.[8]